803 
Ji384 

A  STUDY  OF  THE  SOURCES 
AND  COMPOSITION  OF  THE 

OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


A  DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE  IN 
PARTIAL  FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR  THE 

DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


MAY,   1908 


BY 


EDITH    FAHNESTOCK 


EXCHANOT 


/  X3. 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  SOURCES 
AND  COMPOSITION  OF  THE 

OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

A  DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE  IN 
PARTIAL  FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR  THE 

DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

MAY,   1908 

BY 

EDITH    FAHNESTOCK 


THE  MARION  PRESS 

JAMAICA    QUEENSBOROUGH    NEW  YORK 

1915 


e%c** 


^t»' 


o^ 


Preface 

The  publication  of  this  dissertation,  presented,  in  1908,  to 
the  Faculty  of  Bryn  Mawr  College  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the 
requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  has  been 
delayed  by  various  chances  culminating  in  the  loss  of  a  manu- 
script left  with  a  German  publisher  two  years  ago,  and  the 
necessity  of  preparing  another  manuscript  for  press  here. 

Although  phases  of  the  problems  concerning  Havelok  have 
been  discussed  in  articles  that  have  appeared  during  this  time, 
nothing,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  been  published  that  affects  my 
conclusions,  or  that  would  lead  to  other  than  slight  modifica- 
tions in  my  work.  The  article  by  Professor  Creek  in  the 
current  number  of  the  Engliscbe  Studien^  on  the  author  of  the 
English  Lay  of  Havelok^  in  so  far  as  it  touches  on  my  subject, 
points  to  the  conclusions  to  which  my  comparison  of  the  French 
and  English  versions  has  led  me. 

I  thank  especially  Mr.  Foulet  who  has  given  me  the  benefit 
of  valuable  criticism,  and  Miss  Helen  E.  Sandison  who  has 
most  kindly  assisted  me  in  reading  proof. 


Edith   Fahnestock. 


Vassar  College^ 
May,  1915. 


313618 


Contents 

Page 

I  —  Introduction     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  j 

II  —  A  Consideration  of  Putnam's  Study,  'The  Lambeth 

Version  of  Havelok         .         .         .         .         .  13 

III — An  Investigation  of  Kupferschmidt's  Study,  The 

Haveloksaga  in  Gaimar  and  the  relation  between    . 
this  version  and  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  .  .  25 

IV  —  A  Comparison  of  the  French  Lay  and  Gaimar's 

Version        ....  .  .  .  .  57 

V  —  The  Composition  of  the  Lai  d'Haveloc      .         .        no 


I 

Introduction 

The  Lai  d'Haveloc  is  an  Old  French  poem  which  tells  the 
story  of  an  exiled  prince,  Havelok,  who  married  the  niece  of 
an  English  king  in  whose  kitchen  he  had  served  as  scullion. 
After  many  adventures  Havelok  regained  his  own  realm  and 
also  his  wife*s  English  kingdom  which  had  long  been  withheld 
from  her  by  her  treacherous  uncle. 

Though  this  tale  belongs  to  Scandinavian  saga,  it  is  told  in 
the  form  of  a  Lay  —  that  is,  a  short  narrative  poem  containing 
a  prologue  and  an  epilogue,  in  which  the  author  alludes  to  the 
Bretons  and  a  lay  of  theirs  on  the  subject  of  Havelok.  Since, 
however,  the  story  of  Havelok  is  foreign  to  the  Bretons  and  is 
yet  connected  with  their  lays,  it  seems  probable  that  an  investi- 
gation of  this  lay  may  throw  light  on  the  general  question  of 
the  Bretons  and  their  lays.  Aside  from  its  connection  with  the 
Bretons,  however,  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  deserves  special  study  as 
one  of  the  best  and  earliest  of  the  Old  French  lays,  and  as  one 
of  the  several  very  interesting  works  dealing  with  the  adventures 
of  this  hero  which  have  come  down  to  us.  It  is  my  purpose 
in  the  present  study  to  determine,  if  possible,  the  source  or 
sources  of  the  poem,  and  to  examine  carefully  the  author's 
adaptation  of  his  material  to  the  literary  form  of  the  lay. 

The  longest  and  most  important  of  the  versions  of  the  story 
are  the  following: 

I.    The    Havelok   episode  in  GefFrei  Gaimar's  Lestorie  des 
Engles^  date  1 147-1 151.^ 

^  There  are  3  Mss.  containing  Gaimar's  Havelok  episode,  which  are  desig- 
nated in  the  Hardy-Martin  edition  as  follows  :  (M)  British  Museum,  Ms.  Royal 
13  A.  XXI;  (Z))  Durham  Cathedral,  Ms.C.  IV.  27;  (Z)  Lincoln  Cathedral, 
Ms,  A.  4/1  2  (formerly  H.  18.  3).  Gaimar's  Havelok  episode  has  been  published 
four  times,  as  follows  :  ( i )  by  Sir  Frederick  Madden  in  his  edition  of  Havelok, 
1828;  (2)  by  Petrie  in  the  Monument  a  Historica  Britannica,  London,  1848; 
(3)  by  Thomas  Wright  (Caxton  Society),  London,  1850;  (4)  by  Sir  Thomas 
DufFus  Hardy  and  C.  T.  Martin  (Rolls  Series),  London,  1888,  XCI,  part  1, 1-34. 

2  Gaston  Paris,  Lit.fr.  au  moye?i-age,  3ded.,  Paris,  1900,  p.  273,  dates  the 
Estorie  about  1148.      He  gives  as  time  limits  11 45-1 151   (p.  15). 


6  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

2.  The  Lai  d'Haveloc  le  'Danots^  date  about  1 170  according 

to  Gaston  Paris/  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century 
according  to  Deutschbein.^ 

3.  The  English  romance  called  The  Lay  of  Havelok  the  Dane^ 

date   about    1300   according  to   Skeat/   a   few  decades 
earlier  according  to  Deutschbein.^ 

4.  The  Lambeth  version^  an  interpolation  in  the  chronicle  of 

Robert  of  Brunne,  who  wrote  in  the  first  half  of  the 
fourteenth  century. '°    The  interpolation  is  of  later  date." 

The  story  of  Havelok  is  found  also  in  various  chronicles  in 
more  or  less  condensed  form."  Heyman  '^  and  Brie''^  have  al- 
ready shown  that  these  accounts,  generally  called  the  minor 
versions,  are  derived  from  one  or  more  of  the  principal  versions 
with  the  addition  of  other  details.  Since  I  have  failed  to  dis-^ 
cover  primitive  traits  of  the  story  in  these  minor  versions,  I 
shall  pass  over  them  in  all  the  discussion  of  the  sources  of  the 

3  In  2  Mss. —  (i)  Herald's  College,  Arundel  XIV,  mentioned  as  H  in  the 
enumeration  of  the  Mss.  of  Gaimar's  Estorie,  Hardy-Martin  edition,  preface, 
pp.  xxix-xxxiii,  and  (2)  Ms.  P,  Cheltenham,  Thirlestane  House,  Phillipps 
3713.  Ms.  H  has  been  published  four  times,  as  follows  :  (  i  )  by  Sir  F.  Madden, 
in  his  edition  of  Havelok y  1828  ;  (2)  by  Fr.  Michel,  Chroniques  anglo-normandes, 
Paris,  1883,  I;  (3)  by  Thomas  Wright  (Caxton  Society),  London,  1850; 
(4)  by  Sir  Thomas  Hardy  and  C.  T.  Martin,  in  the  work  cited  in  note  i.  This 
edition  also  contains  readings  from  Ms.  P,  which  has  never  been  published. 

4  Gaston  Paris,  op.  cit.  p.  274. 

5  Deutschbein,  Studien  zur  sagengeschichte  Englandsy  Cothen,  1906,  p.  98. 

6  In  I  Ms.,  Oxford,  Bodleian,  Ms.  Laud  Misc.  108,  published  four  times, 
as  follows:  ( 1 )  by  Sir  F.  Madden  for  the  Roxburghe  Club,  1828;  (2)  by 
Skeat,  E.  E.T.  S.,  ext.  ser.,  IV,  1868,  1889  ;  (3)  Holthausen,  Old  and  Middle 
English  TextSy  London,  1901 ;  (4)  Skeat's  edition  revised  for  the  Clarendon  Press, 
1902. 

7  Skeat,  ed.  1902,  Introd.,  pp.  xxiv-xxv. 
s  Deutschbein,  op.  cit.  p.  97. 

9  In  I  Ms.,  the  Lambeth  copy  of  Robert  Manning  of  Brunne's  Story  of 
Englandy  published  by  Madden  and  Skeat  in  the  prefaces  to  their  editions  of  the 
English  Lay.      Cf  Skeat,  ed.   1868,  pp.  xi-xiii,  and  ed.  1902,  pp.  xlv-xlvii. 

^o  Deutschbein,  op.  cit.  p.  96. 

"See  p.  13. 

^2  For  a  list  of  minor  versions  see  Madden,  Skeat,  Heyman,  and  Brie. 

^3  Harold  E.  Heyman,  Studies  on  the  Havelok  Taky  Inaugural  dissertation, 
Upsala,  1903,  ch.  V.      The  minor  versions. 

M  Fr.  Brie,  Zum  for  tie  ben  der  Havelok-sagCy  Englische  Studien  y  1905,  XXXV, 
359-371. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

French  poem,  and  shall  consider  only  the  principal  versions  as 
Kupferschmidt  and  Putnam  have  done.'^ 

This  study,  as  has  been  said,  is  concerned  with  the  second  of 
the  principal  versions  —  the  French  Lay,  and  the  other  longer 
works  will  be  considered  only  when  necessarily  involved  in 
questions  relating  to  the  sources  of  the  Lay.  Much  has  been 
written  on  the  origin  and  development  of  the  Havel  ok  saga,  as 
well  as  on  the  sources  and  relationship  of  the  various  versions. 
With  the  opinions  concerning  the  legend  itself,  I  have,  of 
course,  nothing  to  do ;  I  am  considering  the  source  and  com- 
position of  one  literary  product — the  French  Lay.  Neverthe- 
less, what  has  been  written  concerning  the  derivation  of  the  other 
versions,  in  so  far  as  it  affects  the  French  Lay,  must  be  reviewed 
in  its  general  outlines  before  an  investigation  of  the  Lay  itself 
is  undertaken. 

When  the  question  of  sources  was  first  approached  by  stu- 
dents of  the  English  Lay,  they  mentioned  the  fact  that  the 
Havelok  story  was  found  in  Gaimar's  Estorie  and  in  a  French 
Lay,  and  without  close  examination  ventured  the  hypothesis 
that  Gaimar  had  abridged  the  somewhat  longer  French  Lay. 
Skeat  added  that  Gaimar  must  have  had  some  additional  source.'^ 
Petrie,  who  was  skeptical  as  to  Gaimar's  authorship  of  the  Have- 
lok episode  in  his  Estorie^  thought  that  both  this  account  and 
that  of  the  French  Lay  reflected  an  earlier  romance. '^ 

The  first  person  who  seriously  considered  the  derivation  of 
the  versions  was  Kupferschmidt.'^  His  study  is  important  be- 
cause he  first  attempted  to  establish  the  chronological  order  of 
the  versions,  and  also  because  his  conclusions  have  been  gen- 
erally accepted.  The  two  points  definitely  settled  by  him  were 
that  the  Havelok  episode  was  written  by  Gaimar  and  therefore 
composed  between  1147  and  1151,  and  that  the  French  Lay, 

^5  These  versions  contribute  interesting  points  bearing  on  the  history  of  the 
English  romance.  But  since  these  points  have  not  changed  the  conclusions  reached 
in  this  study,  and  since  the  English  romance  is  considered  only  when  it  is  neces- 
sary to  a  discussion  of  the  sources  of  the  French  poems,  an  investigation  of  them 
must  be  left  for  another  study. 

^6  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  Introd.,  p.  iv,  §5.  See  also  Storm,  who  speaks  of  the 
French  Lay  as  composed  in  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century  and  abridged  by 
Gaimar  about  1145.      Efig.  Stud.   1880,  III,  533. 

=^7  Petrie,  Monumenta  Historka  Britannicay  London,  1848,  I,  765,  n.  b. 

^^  Die  Haveloksage  bei  Gaimar  und  ihr  Verhdltnis  zum  Lai  d^ HaveloCy  Roman- 
ische  Studien,  1880,  IV,  411-430. 


8  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

which  dated  from  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  could 
not  have  been  abridged  by  him.  The  more  recent  date  given 
for  the  French  Lay  is  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century,'^ 
but  since  Gaimar's  work  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth 
century,  the  chronological  order  of  the  versions  established  by 
Kupferschmidt  still  holds. 

Having  overthrown  the  hypothesis  that  Gaimar  abridged  the 
Lay,  Kupferschmidt  had  to  decide  whether  the  author  of  the 
Lay  used  Gaimar,  or  whether  both  came  from  a  common  source. 
He  found  some  details  in  Gaimar  that  were  not  in  the  French 
Lay,  and  some  in  the  Lay  that  were  not  in  Gaimar.  Since  these 
details  were  found  also  in  the  English  Lay,  a  version  ^°  which  he 
claimed  had  developed  independently  beside  the  two  French 
versions,  he  concluded  that  the  only  possible  theory  was  that  of 
a  common  source.  Kupferschmidt's  system  of  derivation  is, 
therefore,  the  following:" 

Original  version. 

Lost  French  version. 

^Gaimar. 

English  Romance. 
The  Brut.  Le  Lai  d'Haveloc. 

Interpolation  in  Robert  of  Brunne. 

Gaston  Paris,"  in  his  brief  notice  of  the  article,  pronounced 
Kupferschmidt's  conclusions  plausible ;  and  Grober  ''^  added  to 
his  announcement  of  the  study  his  opinion  that  Kupferschmidt's 
conclusions  seemed  convincing.  This  derivation,  modified 
slightly,  has  since  then  been  generally  accepted. 

Two  scholars,  however,  though  they  have  not  affected  pre- 
vailing sentiment,   have   expressed   opinions   at  variance  with 

^9  Deutschbein,  op.  cit.  p.  98. 

20  Kupferschmidt,  op.  cit.  p.  429,  a  version  **die  sich  unabhangig  neben  den 
zwei  franzosischen  Versionen  entwickelt  hat."  A  reference  is  given  to  Skeat, 
ed.  1868,  Pref.  §20. 

21  Ibid.f  p.  430. 

=^2  Gaston  Paris,  Romaniay  1880,  IX,  480.  **Ces  conclusions  paraissent 
plausibles." 

23  Grober,  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische  Pbilologie,  1880,  IV,  466. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

Kupferschmidt's  conclusions.  Axel  Ahlstrom  ""^  thought  it  ex- 
tremely unlikely  that  so  highly  developed  a  lay  as  would  have 
been  required  for  Kupferschmidt's  hypothesis  should  have  ex- 
isted as  early  as  1 1 50,  and  consequently  deemed  it  simplest  and 
safest  to  consider  oral  tradition,  and  not  a  finished  metrical 
romance,  as  the  basis  of  the  French  Lay.  Ward  ^^  decided  that 
the  French  Lay  was  enlarged  from  Gaimar.  He  gives  six  reasons 
for  his  opinion.  Of  these  Putnam  says :  "  His  attempt  to  de- 
rive the  Lay  directly  from  Gaimar  cannot  be  accepted.  Every 
one  of  his  six  arguments  can  be  used  with  equal  force  in  favor 
of  a  common  source  for  Gaimar  and  the  Lay."  Ward  does  not 
answer  Kupferschmidt's  arguments ;  it  is  possible,  as  Putnam 
suggests,^^  that  he  did  not  know  of  Kupferschmidt's  discussion 
of  the  question  in  Romanische  Studien. 

The  Brut''''  is  no  longer  considered  an  independent  version, 
and  the  Lambeth  Interpolation  has  been  regarded  as  a  principal 
version  since  Putnam  derived  it  from  the  lost  metrical  romance 
instead  of  from  Gaimar.^^  With  this  change  of  detail,  Putnam's 
work  only  confirms  Kupferschmidt's  results.  His  scheme  of 
derivation  is  as  follows  :^^ 

Unknown  source  or  sources. 


Lost  French  version  m  r 


Gaimar.  Lay.  Lambeth  English. 

Interpolation. 

24  Axel  Ahlstrom,  Studier  i  den  fornfranska  lais  litter aturen,  Upsala,  1892, 
p.  124.  ** These  traditions  were  transmitted  to  the  author  of  the  lay  by  Anglo- 
Bretons." 

25  Ward,  Catalogue  of  Romances  in  the  Department  of  Mss.  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum y  1883,  I,  437-446.  Cf.  **  The  existing  text  of  the  fuller  Lay  is  of  the  1 3th 
century ;  but  it  may  possibly,  of  course,  represent  an  earlier  Lay,  which  has  been 
abridged  by  Gaimar.  But  we  believe,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  fuller  Lay  was 
simply  enlarged  from  Gaimar' s  version,  and  enlarged  by  a  minstrel  who  probably 
knew  nothing  about  the  Lincolnshire  legends  of  Havelok."  Again  (p.  440), 
**The  French  Lay,  then,  we  regard  as  a  literary  offshoot  of  Gaimar's  version." 

26  Putnam,  The  Lambeth  Version  of  Havelok^  Publications  of  the  Modern  Lan- 
guage Association  of  America y  1900,  XV,  9,  n.  2. 

27  Cf.  Brie,  op.  cit.  p.  363.  **Heyman  hatte  demnach  recht,  wenn  er  der 
Havelok- episode  im  Brut  jeden  originellen  zug  absprach." 

28  Putnam,  op.  cit.  pp.  1-16.  ^9  /^/^.^  p.  16. 


lo  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D»HAVELOC 

This  Kupferschmidt- Putnam  derivation^  has  prevailed  since 
1900— 1 90 1,  in  spite  of  the  different  views  expressed  by  several 

30  The  principal  scholars  who  follow  Kupferschmidt  or  Putnam  are  :  (a)  ten 
Brink,  tr.  H.  M.  Kennedy,  History  of  English  Literature,  New  York,  i  889,  p.  1 8 1 . 
**  A  Norman  song  of  Havelok  must  have  appeared  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
twelfth  century ;  and  upon  this  was  founded  both  the  version  of  the  saga  in  Gaimar, 
and  a  younger  poem,  probably  not  much  later  than  11  50."  (b)  Holthausen, 
Haveloky  London,  1901,  Preface,  p.  ix.  **The  existing  Old  French  Lai  d"* 
Haveloc  le  danois  and  the  Havelok-episode  in  GefFrei  Gaimar' s  Estorie  des  Engles 
bear  only  a  very  remote  resemblance  to  the  English  version.  Cf.  Skeat's  edition 
and  Kupferschmidt.  .  .  ."  (c)  Anna  Hunt  Billings  (^A  Guide  to  the  Middle  Eng- 
lish Metrical  Romances y  Tale  Studies  in  English ,  1901,  IX,  21,  23)  refers  to 
Kupferschmidt.  (d)  Skeat  in  his  edition  of  1902,  Introduction,  p.  xlvii,  cites 
both  Kupferschmidt  and  Putnam,  as  does  (e)  Heyman,  op.  cit.  p.  146.  (f) 
Grober,  Grundriss,  II,  p.  634,  inclines  to  accept  Kupferschmidt  for  the  theory 
of  the  lost  version,  the  source  of  Gaimar,  although  he  does  not  follow  his  deriva- 
tion of  the  French  Lay.  Cf.  p.  471  :  **Ziemlich  wahrscheinUch  ist,  dass  schon 
vor  1 1  50  ein  anglofranzosisches  Gedicht  von  dem  Geschick  des  ausgesetzten  Konigs- 
sohns  Haveloc  erzahlte,  der  in  seiner  Erniedrigung  eine  entthronte  Konigstochter, 
[heiratete]  und  den  Verfolgern  zum  Trotz  Land  und  Thron  zuriickgewinnt.** 
A  reference  in  a  footnote  calls  attention  to  Kupferschmidt.  Also,  p.  473,  in 
speaking  of  Gaimar' s  Estorie y  Grober  adds:  **Erhalten  blieb  davon  die  zweite, 
die  Jahre  495-1100  umfassende  Halfte  .  .  .  begleitet  von  einer  Bearbeitung 
der  Haveloksage  .  .  .  nach  altrer  franzosischer  Vorlage  gedichtet."  (g)  Scho- 
field  also  follows  in  part  the  Kupferschmidt- Putnam  theory  in  his  English  Litera- 
ture from  the  Norman  Conquest  to  Chaucer y  London,  New  York,  1906,  p.  267. 
He  says  :  **In  the  twelfth  century,  when  the  treasure-trove  of  the  Saxons  was  so 
extensively  appropriated  by  the  Anglo-Normans,  were  composed,  it  appears,  at 
least  two  French  poems  on  Havelok  —  one,  the  more  primitive,  apparently  a 
metrical  romance,  the  other  in  the  likeness  of  a  Breton  lay.  Only  the  latter  is 
preserved  ;  but  of  the  romance  we  have  a  summary  interpolated  in  the  manuscript 
of  Robert  of  Brunne's  chronicle."  (h)  Wohlfeil,  The  Lay  of  Havelok  the 
Daney  Leipzig,  1890,  p.  11,  does  not  decide  between  Skeat's  former  opinion 
(ed.  1868)  and  Kupferschmidt' s.  **  Wir  werden  vielmehr  auf  jeden  Fall  ein  eng- 
lisches  Original  anzunehmen  haben,  unbeschadet  dessen,  ob  wir  mit  Skeat  der  An- 
sicht  sein  mogen,  dass  das  franzosische  und  englische  Lay  beide  unmittelbar  aus 
derselben  englischen  Quelle  geschopft  haben,  oder  mit  Kupferschmidt  die  Uber- 
zeugung  haben,  dass  das  franzosische  Lay  und  Gaimars  Bearbeitung  der  Sage  nicht 
direkt  auf  dieses  englische  Original,  sondern  auf  eine  verloren  gegangene  .  .  . 
franzosische  Romanze  zuriickgehen,  die  ihrerseits  erst  dem  Original  entnommen 
ist."  (i)  Deutschbein,  op.  cit.  p.  100,  hesitates,  but  decides  in  favor  of  Kupfer- 
schmidt-Putnam.  **Der  Verlauf  der  Erzahlung  im  Lai  deckt  sich  im  ganzen  mit 
der  Darstellung  Gaimars.  Man  mochte  daher  auch  annehmen,  dass  der  Dichter 
des  Lais  Gaimar  als  direkte  Vorlage  benutzt  habe.  .  .  .  Auf  der  anderen  Seite 
scheint  der  Lai  urspriingliche  Elemente  der  Sage  besser  bewahrt  zu  haben  —  vor 
allem  sind  einzelne  Szenen  starker  ausgebildet :  ...  so  halte  ich  es  fiir  wahr- 
scheinlich,  dass  Gaimar  und  der  Lai  aus  einer  gemeinsamen  Quelle,  vielleicht 
einem    anglonormannischen    Gedicht  in   kurzen    Reimpaaren    geschopft   haben. 


INTRODUCTION  1 1 

eminent  critics.  Grober,^'  because  the  Lay — the  more  recent 
reworking  of  the  Havelok  saga  —  coincides  at  times  word  for 
word  with  Gaimar's  episode,  concludes  that  the  author  must 
have  known  Gaimar*s  account,  and  that  his  poem  is  a  free 
narration  of  the  tale  offering  only  epic  commonplaces  in  addi- 
tion to  Gaimar*s  incidents.  Suchier,^^  Gollancz,33  and  Foulet^^ 
express  the  same  opinion  without  giving  reasons,  and  Warnke 
also  inclines  to  this  view.^^ 

Because  these  opinions  have  been  given  merely  as  opinions, 
with  no  proof  of  their  validity  or  disproof  of  the  conclusions 
of  Kupferschmidt  and  Putnam,  they  have  left  unshaken  this 
theory  of  the  derivation  of  the  various  versions  of  the  Havelok 
tale,  which  is  generally  adhered  to  in  other  critical  and  literary 
discussions  bearing  on  Havelok.  But  these  opinions,  although 
held  by  a  minority  of  those  who  have  approached  the  question, 
deserve  attention. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  much  has  been  already  written  on 
Havelok,  two  considerations  seem  to  justify  a  new  study  of  the 
French   Lay.      If  the  source  of  this  poem  were   known,  the 

wie  dies  Kupferschmidt,  Putnam  .  .  .  angenommen  haben.  Die  andere 
Moglichkeit,  .dass  der  Verfasser  des  Lais  von  Gaimar  ausgegangen  sei  und  mit 
grosserem  Geschick  den  urspriinglichen  Zusammenhang  erkannt  habe,  hake  ich 
fur  ausgeschlossen,  da  er  sonst  seinem  StoiF  verstandnislos  gegeniibersteht .  (j) 
Zenker,  Boeve-Amlethus,  Berhn,  1905,  p.  92,  finds  Kupferschmidt' s  conclusions 
plausible,  although  he  mentions  Suchier's  and  Gollancz's  diflFering  views. 

31^  Grober,  Grundrissy  II,  p.  634,  speaks  of  the  French  Lay  as  **eine  lai  sich 
nennende  Neubearbeitung  der  halbhistorischen  Haveloksage  .  .  .  die  in  der  eng- 
lischen  Landessprache  nach  einheimischer  Uberlieferung  erzahlt  wurde,  auf  der 
auch  die  Vorlage  von  Geffrey  Gaimars  Dichtung  viber  Havelok  beruhte.  Mit 
Gaimar  trifft  die  Neubearbeitung  einigemale  im  Wortlaut  zusammen,  so  dass  ihr 
Verfasser  Gaimar  gekannt  haben  muss.  Im  iibrigen  ist  sie  freie  Nacherzahlung 
des  Stoffes,  bietet  aber  nur  "epische  Gemeinplatze  iiber  Gaimar  hinaus  mehr." 

32  Suchier  and  Birch- Hirschfeld,  Geschichte  der  franzbsischen  Literature  Leip- 
sig,  2d.  ed.  191  3,  p.  124.  Suchier  says  in  speaking  of  the  Lay:  *'Der  Dichter, 
der  am  Schluss  einen  alten  (musikalischen)  Lai  Have  he  erwahnt,  hat  gleichwohl 
die  erzahlte  Geschichte  aus  Gaimars  Chronik  entlehnt." 

33  Gollancz,  Hamlet  in  Iceland,  London,  1898,  Introd.  p.  xli.  *'As  regards 
the  Laiy  it  is  almost  certainly  derived  from  Gaimar's  terser  version." 

34  L.  Foulet,  Marie  de  France  et  les  Lais  bretons,  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische 
Philologie,  1905,  XXIX,  55. 

35  Warnke,  Die  Lais  der  Marie  de  France,  Bibliotheca  Normannica,  Halle, 
1900,  Introd.  p.  XV.  **Das  uns  erhaltene  Gedicht  von  Havelok  selbst  mag 
freilich  mit  Unrecht  ein  Lai  genannt  werden,  da  es  vielleicht  von  der  Darstellung 
desselben  Gegenstandes  bei  Gaimar  abhangig  ist." 


12  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

problem  of  the  relationship  of  the  other  versions  of  the  story 
would  be  simplified  for  a  future  investigation  such  as  Vising 
suggested  for  the  English  Lay.^^  Furthermore,  as  has  been 
stated,  definite  knowledge  respecting  the  source  and  composition 
of  such  a  lay  as  that  of  Havelok  may  contribute  something  to 
the  subject  of  the  Bretons,  their  lays,  and  the  Old  French  nar- 
rative lays. 

Before  an  independent  study  of  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  can  be 
undertaken,  however,  the  articles  by  Putnam  and  Kupferschmidt 
which  give  all  the  detail  of  the  previous  discussion  must  be  care- 
fully examined.  This  examination  will  form  the  subject  of 
Chapters  II  and  III.  Putnam's  study  will  be  considered  first, 
since  his  results  seem  to  confirm  those  of  Kupferschmidt. 

36  Vising,  Kritischer  Jahresbericht  uber  die  Forts chr it te  der  rom.  Phii.,  1905, 
VII,  part  2,  91.      **Eine  erneute  Prufung  wird  vielleicht  mehr  Licht  bringen." 


II 

A  Consideration  of  Putnam's  Study/ 

The  h,ambeth  Version  of  Havelok 

The  article  by  Putnam  on  the  Lambeth  Interpolation^  which, 
as  has  been  seen,  is  the  second  important  contribution  to  the 
development  of  the  Kupferschmidt-Putnam  theory,  has  as  its 
subject  the  abridgment  of  the  Havelok  tale  that  is  found  in 
the  Lambeth  manuscript^  of  the  Story  of  England  which  Robert 
Mannyng  of  Brunne^  (Bourne)  completed  in  1338.  Robert, 
well  known  as  the  author  of  a  didactic  treatise  full  of  anecdote 
called  Handlyng  Synne,  used  as  his  chief  sources  for  the  Story  of 
England  Wace  and  Peter  of  Langtoft ;  he  reluctantly  discarded 
as  unauthenticated  the  Havelok  tale,  which  he  knew  from  some 
source.  The  story,  however,  was  added  by  a  later  writer.  It 
consists  of  82  lines  in  rhymed  pairs,  and  the  language  is,  accord- 
ing to  Putnam,  such  as  might  have  been  written  at  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century.^ 

Putnam  notes  in  the  first  place  that  the  Lambeth  Interpolation 
has  never  received  the  consideration  it  deserves.  Madden,^  he 
says,  attributed  it  to  the  scribe,  who  had  made  other  changes  in 
the  manuscript,  and  considered  it  an  abridgment  of  the  Havelok 
story  apparently  copied  from  Gaimar.  Skeat^  repeated  Mad- 
den's  opinion,  and  Kupferschmidt^  also  accepted  this  view  with- 
out further  investigation. 

Putnam  next  observes  that  the  Interpolation  is  closer  to  the 
French  versions  than  to  the  English,  and  that  it  is  more  like 

^  Edward  Kirby  Putnam,  The  Lambeth  Version  of  Havelok^  Publications  of  the 
Modern  Language  Association  of  America^  1900,  XV,  1-16. 

2  The  two  existing  manuscripts  of  Robert's  Story  of  England  are  the  Lambeth 
and  the  Inner  Temple.      The  latter  was  published  by  Hearne,  1725. 

3  Schofield,  English  Literature  from  the  Norman  Conquest  to  Chaucer y  p.  362. 

4  Putnam,  p.  2. 

5  Madden,  ed.  for  the  Roxburghe  Club,  London,  1828,  p.  xvii.     (Putnam, 

p.  I.) 

6  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  p.  xi. 

7  M.  Kupferschmidt,  Die  Haveloksage  bet  Gaimar y  etc.,  Rom.  Stud.,  1880, 
IF,  411-430. 


14  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

Gaimar  than  like  the  French  Lay  in  the  following  points:  (i) 
the  names  agree;  (2)  the  invasion  of  Denmark  is  for  tribute 
which  is  withheld  (Lamb.  2-4,  Gaimar  410-41 1),  but  in  the 
Lay  it  is  to  demand  tribute  (27-30);  (3)  Grim  in  both  poems 
appears  as  a  mariner,  whereas  in  the  Lay  he  is  a  baron  (Lamb.  14, 
Gaimar  423,  Lay  57);  (4)  Edulf  is  defeated  in  a  general  battle 
and  not,  as  in  the  Lay,  in  a  single  combat  (Lamb.  70-72,  Gaimar 
739-742,  Lay  940-970);  (5)  the  geographical  details  agree.  In 
these  points  Gaimar  and  the  Interpolation  are  simpler  and  seem 
to  present  the  more  primitive  form  of  the  story  and  the  spirit 
of  the  original.  Although  Putnam's  second  point  is  rather  a 
question  of  emphasis  than  of  vital  difference,  the  other  points, 
especially  i  and  5,  indicate  beyond  a  doubt  a  very  close  resem- 
blance between  the  Interpolation  and  Gaimar. 

But,  as  Putnam's  further  discussion  shows,  differences  as  well 
as  resemblances  exist  between  the  Interpolation  and  Gaimar,  and 
these  very  points  of  difference  correspond  to  traits  found  in  the 
French  Lay.  The  most  striking  of  the  variations  between  the 
Interpolation  and  Gaimar  is  the  order  in  which  events  are  nar- 
rated in  the  opening  portions  of  the  two  poems.  Gaimar  tells 
first  of  Argentine  and  England;  the  Interpolation,  however, 
begins  with  Havelok  and  Denmark,  and  in  this  corresponds  to 
the  French  Lay.  Other  points  of  resemblance  between  the  In- 
terpolation and  the  Lay  are  as  follows:  (i)  Gunter's  enemies 
plan  to  shame  his  family  (Lamb.  9,  Lay  79-82);  (2)  in  the  In- 
terpolation Edelsi  is  "of  Breton  kynde"  (Lamb.  31,  Lay  200), 
in  the  Lay  "Bret  par  lignage"  (200);  (3)  in  the  Interpolation 
and  in  the  Lay  Havelok  and  Argentille  are  married,  whereas  in 
Gaimar  no  formal  marriage  takes  place  (Lamb.  47,  Lay  377— 
380);  (4)  the  statement  in  the  Interpolation  that  the  king 
brings  about  the  marriage  though  many  are  wroth  seems  to  cor- 
respond to  the  account  given  in  the  Lay  of  the  anger  of  the 
barons  at  the  king's  violation  of  his  oath  (Lamb.  48,  Lay  279- 
376);  (5)  the  departure  of  Havelok  from  Grimsby  is  described 
in  both  the  Interpolation  and  the  Lay  and  antedates  Grim's 
death  (Lamb.  27,  56,  Lay  157-192,  565),  whereas  in  Gaimar 
there  is  no  such  description  and  Havelok  leaves  Grimsby  after 
Grim's  death;  (6)  the  fight  between  Edelsi  and  Havelok  is 
introduced  abruptly  by  Gaimar  (Lamb.  75-76,  Lay  1007- 
1026),  whereas  in  the  Interpolation  and  in  the  Lay  there  is 
mentioned  the  gathering  of  a  host  by  Edelsi. 


A  CONSIDERATION  OF  PUTNAM'S  STUDY  15 

Let  us  investigate  each  of  the  points  suggested  by  Putnam. 

(i)  Gunter's  enemies  plan  to  shame  his  family.  The  Interpo- 
lation has :  "  When  he  was  ded  they  schope  brynge  al  his  blod 
to  schame."  In  the  Lay  (81  ff.)  we  read  that  Hodulf  drove 
Gunter's  friends  out  of  the  land.  Grim  and  the  queen  feared 
he  would  take  the  castle  and  kill  Havelok.  Grim  fled  with  the 
boy  and  the  queen  for  fear  of  the  evil  king:  (96)  "Tost  feroit  a 
li  deshonur."  This  shows  more  fear  of  Hodulf  than  any  ex- 
pressed intention  on  the  part  of  the  latter  to  harm  them.  This 
point  is,  therefore,  not  of  weight.  In  Gaimar,  the  queen  is 
afraid  and  flees. 

(2)  Edelsi  is  "of  Breton  kynde."  Gaimar  has  (61)  "Li  altre 
rei  estait  Breton."  Both  Gaimar's  expression  and  that  of  the 
Lay,  "  Bret  par  lignage,"  could  be  represented  in  English  by 
"of  Breton  kynde." ^    This  point  may,  therefore,  be  set  aside. 

(3)  Havelok  and  Argentille  are  married  in  the  Interpolation 
and  the  Lay;  in  Gaimar  no  formal  marriage  takes  place.  This 
statement  is  erroneous,  for,  although  Gaimar  aflirms  (174-175) : 

Honist  sa  nece,  a  son  espeir, 
E  la  dona  a  son  quistrun, 

yet  he  shows  by  two  other  passages  how  those  lines  are  to  be 
interpreted  (596-598) : 

E  ceste  dame  iert  sa  parente. 
Si  cum  lui  plut  la  me  donad, 
E  ensemble  nus  espusad. 


Also,  99-102 : 


Pur  lerite  kil  coveitat, 
Sa  nece  mesmariat. 
II  la  donat  a  un  gar9on, 
Ki  Cuheran  aveit  a  nun. 


(4)  The  anger  of  the  barons  at  Edelsi's  violation  of  his  oath 
in  the  Lay  seems  to  correspond  to  the  statement  in  the  Inter- 
polation that  he  brought  about  the  marriage  although  "were 

s  Cf.  Skeat,  Eiym.  Diet.  ed.  1882,  p.  315.  Kind,  nature,  sort,  character. 
A  New  English  Dictionary^  I,  (i)  Birth,  origin,  descent;  Obs.  (b)  In  phrases, 
through,  by,  of  kind:  right  of  birth,  right  or  position  derived  from  birth.  (2) 
The  station,  place,  or  property  belonging  to  one  by  birth ;  one's  native  place  or 
position.  II,  A  class,  group,  or  division  of  things.  (lob)  Used  in  poetry, 
with  defining  word,  in  the  general  sense  of  race  ;  i  362,  Langl.  P.  PI.  A  XI,  282: 
Cristene  kynde  to  kille  to  dethe.  Or  kynde  can  mean  ( 1 1  d)  descent,  genealogy. 
Cf.  also  Robert  of  Brunne's  own  use  of  the  word  in  regretting  the  lack  of  a 
source  **])at  tellis  of  Haneloc  Kynde,"   ed.   Hearne,   p.  26. 


1 6  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

manion  ful  wrothe"  (Lambeth  48,  Lay  279-376).  The  ninety- 
seven  lines  referred  to  in  the  Lay  include  the  entire  description 
of  the  interviews  of  the  king  with  the  barons  and  councillors, 
with  his  threat  and  the  mention  of  guards  placed  in  the  assem- 
bly room.  After  he  had  stated  his  purpose,  the  barons  said 
that  they  would  not  permit  him  to  carry  out  such  an  intention. 
The  author  states : 

la  icust  granz  coups  doncz. 

Quant  il  fet  venir  les  armez. 

There  would  have  been  fighting,  but  soldiers  brought  in  by  the 
king  prevented.  This  resistance  seems  different  from  the  wrath 
reported  by  the  author  of  the  Interpolation.  One  feels  that 
perhaps  it  is  merely  the  effort  of  the  author  of  the  more  courtly 
poem  to  protect  the  reputation  of  his  barons.  Both  comments 
could  have  been  made  independently.  The  line  in  the  Inter- 
polation may  possibly  have  been  brought  in  for  the  rhyme. 

He  dide  hem  arraye  ful  symplely,  &  wedde  togydere  bothe. 
For  he  ne  rewarded  desparagyng,  were  manion  ful  wrothe. 

(5)  The  departure  of  Havelok  from  Grimsby.  At  first  sight 
there  seems  to  be  a  striking  similarity  between  the  Interpolation 
and  the  Lay  in  this  respect,  but,  if  the  facts  in  the  two  cases  are 
compared,  the  parallelism  is  less  patent.  In  the  Lay  Grim  sends 
Havelok  to  court  "pour  aprendre  sens  et  avoir  querre,"^  where- 
as in  the  Interpolation  Havelok  goes  to  court  because  he  is  a 
"man  of  mykel  cost,"  that  has  to  serve  "for  his  grete  susti- 
nance."  '°  The  spirit  of  the  Lay  and  the  reasons  for  Havelok's 
departure  are  totally  different  from  those  of  the  Interpolation; 
the  resemblance  is  merely  in  the  time  of  the  episode  with  respect 
to  Grimes  death. 

(6)  The  fight  between  Edelsi  and  Havelok  is  introduced 
abruptly  by  Gaimar.  In  the  Interpolation  and  in  the  Lay  the 
gathering  of  a  host  by  Edelsi  is  mentioned."  This  fact  seems  a 
most  casual  detail  in  the  description  of  a  battle,  and  one  that, 
unless  there  is  an  unexpected  attack,  can  be  omitted  or  expressed 
at  will.    Gaimar  certainly  implies  that  an  army  had  been  assem- 

9  Lay,  174. 

10  Int.,  25-26. 

"  Putnam's  reference  to  the  description  in  the  Lay  includes  1 007-1 026. 
1007— loi  8  report  the  arrival  of  Havelok's  messengers  at  court  and  the  mockery 
with  which  they  were  greeted.  loi 8-1022  describe  their  return.  The  assem- 
bly of  the  army  on  the  appointed  day  at  Theford  is  told  in  five  lines. 


A  CONSIDERATION  OF  PUTNAM'S  STUDY  17 

bled  in  (769)  "Mult  i  out  homes  afolez"  (in  D  and  L  asem- 
blez).  This  line  follows  the  description  of  the  battle.  In  761 
he  had  already  stated  that  Havelok  "Od  sa  grant  ost  la  mer 
passa/*  Hence,  the  fact  that  the  Lay  and  the  Interpolation 
both  mention  Edelsi's  gathering  of  a  host  cannot  have  weight 
as  an  argument  to  prove  the  similarity  of  the  two  versions. 

Putnam  himself  did  not  attach  equal  importance  to  all  his 
arguments,  for  he  adds:'"  "It  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  all 
these  resemblances  are  accidental.  The  first  two  and  the  last 
might  be  so,  but  the  others  seem  to  point  to  details  in  a  source 
common  to  both  the  Interpolation  and  the  Lay.  This  common 
source  cannot  be  Gaimar,  because  in  these  points  Gaimar  diffisrs. 
Moreover,  in  all  three  points  Gaimar,  rather  than  the  other 
versions,  seems  to  show  a  change  from  what  must  have  been 
the  original  form  of  the  story." 

Point  3,  that  of  the  marriage,  which  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant points,  as  we  have  seen,  will  not  hold.  Points  i,  2,  and 
6  are  vague  possible  resemblances  inadequate  for  proof,  and  4 
may  be  quite  as  casual.  The  only  point  showing  definite  re- 
semblance is  5,  and  even  here  the  likeness  consists  merely  in 
the  time  of  the  departure  of  Havelok  from  Grimsby.  The  cir- 
cumstances and  the  tone  of  the  accounts  are  wholly  different. 

Putnam's  subsequent  statement  is,  therefore,  unwarranted. 
He  says :  "  The  number  of  important  details  common  to  the 
Interpolation  and  the  Lay  and  the  exact  agreement  in  the  order 
of  the  narrative  establish  a  close  relationship  between  the  two 
and  a  common  source  independent  of  Gaimar."  But  since  we 
have  not  found  a  number  of  important  details  common  to  the 
Interpolation  and  the  Lay  that  confirm  the  relationship  of  the 
versions  which  the  similarity  of  the  order  of  events  narrated  in 
the  two  poems  seems  to  indicate,  an  investigation  of  this  simi- 
larity becomes  necessary.  Could  anything  other  than  a  source 
in  common  with  the  French  Lay  explain  the  Danish  beginning 
of  the  Interpolation? 

Robert  of  Brunne  in  the  second  part  of  his  chronicle  trans- 
lated Peter  of  Langtoft.'^  Peter,  after  telling  of  RoUo  and  Alfred 
and  the  departure  of  the  former  for  Normandy,  continued  :  '^ 

"  Putnam,  op,  cit.  p.  8. 

^3  Peter  mentioned  Grim  and  Grimsby  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  chronicle 

**A  val  de  Grymesby,  ke  Grym  jadis  fesayt."  Ed.  Wright,  Chronicles  and 
Memorials  of  Great  Britain,   XL,   part  I,    24.  ^4  Ibid.,  p.  316. 


1 8  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 

Alfrede  of  ses  Englays  demort  en  ses  regnez. 

Taunt  cum  vers  le  north  Alfred  est  alez, 

Gountere,^5  le  pere  Havelok,  de  Danays  ray  clamez. 

Of  grant  chuvalerye  est  Engleterre  entrez, 

Destrut  ad  les  viles  et  arses  les  cytez. 

Les  Norays  s*atyrent  le  ray  les  ad  maundez. 

Of  le  ray  Gountere  en  chaump  sunt  encountrez. 

Les  clers  saint  Chuthbert  sun  cors  unt  levez 

Hors  del  sepulture  ou  fust  entoumbez, 

VII.  aunz  parmy  la  terre  le  corsaint  fii  portez, 

Dunt  le  rays  Alfrede  fu  sovent  confortez. 

Kant  Alfred  et  Gountere  ensemble  ount  guerreez, 

Gountere  par  aide  de  Deu  chaunge  voluntez. 

Le  rays  Alfred  pur  veirs  de  founte  li  ad  levez, 

XXX.  des  melx  vayllaunz  of  ly  sunt  baptizez, 

Retournent  Cristyens  ke  vindrent  renaez. 

Robert  Mannyng'^  followed  Peter  closely  in  telling  of  Rollo 
and  Alfred  and  of  Rollers  passing  over  into  Normandy,  leaving 
Alfred  "stille  here  in  Inglond/*    Then  follow  the  lines: 

^it  a  noJ>er  Danes  kyng  in  ]>e  North  gan  aryve. 
Alfrid  it  herd,  ))idere  gan  he  dryue. 
Hanelok  fader  he  was,  Gunter  was  his  name. 
He  brent  citees  &  tounes,  ouer  alle  did  he  schame. 

The  incident  of  St.  Cuthbert's  clerks  is  also  told.  Then, 
when  Gunter  and  Alfred  had  waged  war  a  long  time,  through 
God's  grace  Gunter  was  converted. 

Cristend  wild  he  be,  })e  kyng  of  fonte  him  lift, 
E  ]>ritty  of  his  knyghtes  turnes,  ))orgh  Gode's  gift. 

This  mention  of  Hanelok  (Havelok)  makes  Robert  desire  to 
tell  the  story  of  Havelok,  but  he  writes  instead  the  interestingly 
naive  passage  (which  Skeat  has  quoted  in  his  Preface  '^)  in  which 
he  regrets  his  inability  to  find  a  trustworthy  account  of  Havelok. 
He  begins: 

Bot  I  haf  grete  ferly,  that  I  fynd  no  man. 
That  has  written  in  story,  how  Hauelok  this  lond  wan. 
Noither  Gildas,  no  Bede,  no  Henry  of  Huntynton, 
No  William  of  Malmesbiri,  ne  Pers  of  Bridlynton, 
Writes  not  in  ]>eir  bokes  of  no  kyng  Athelwold,  etc. 

^s  Peter,  as  has  been  often  remarked,  confused  this  Gunter  with  Gunter  the 
Danish  invader  defeated  by  Alfred  the  Great,  who  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  chronicle 
is  called  Godrum.     Cf  Skeat,  ed.  1902,  Pref.  xliii. 

'6  Peter  Langtoft's  Chronicle  (as  illustrated  and  improved  by  Thomas  Hearne), 
Oxford,  1725,  vol.  I,  p.  25. 

^7  Ed.  1868,  p.  X. 


A  CONSIDERATION  OF  PUTNAM'S  STUDY 


He  says : 


Thei  mak  no  menyng  whan,  no  in  what  date. 
Bot  that  thise  lowed  men  upon  Inglish  tellis, 

and  ends  with  the  lines : 

Sen  I  fynd  non  redy,  that  tellis  of  Hauelok  kynde, 
Turne  we  to  |)at  story  that  we  written  fynde. 

Although  Robert  sought  in  vain  an  authentic  account  of  the 
''  rhyme,"  some  one  else  was  more  successful  or  less  critical  and 
interpolated  an  outline  of  the  Havelok  story  in  the  Lambeth 
Ms.  of  the  Story  of  England.  From  the  sense  of  the  passage 
preceding  the  interpolation,  it  is  clear  that,  however  his  source 
read,  the  author  of  the  abridgment  was  forced  to  begin  his  ac- 
count with  Denmark  and  the  Danish  invader  of  England,  who 
had  just  been  named.  It  is  solely  because  of  the  mention  of 
Havelok  and  Gunter  that  the  story  is  introduced,  and  to  have 
begun  with  Edelsi  and  Ekenbright  would  have  introduced  events 
entirely  foreign  to  the  material  of  the  chronicle  at  that  point 
and  emphasized  the  discrepancy  in  the  time  of  the  two  episodes, 
that  of  Gurmond  and  Alfred,  and  that  of  the  two  English  kings, 
the  contemporaries  of  Constantine,  the  nephew  of  Arthur. 

Moreover,  a  change  from  a  source  such  as  Gaimar  would  not 
have  been  hard  to  make,  nor  would  it  have  demanded  great 
skill  on  the  part  of  the  interpolator,  who  was  in  this  case,  as 
the  condensed  clear  style  of  the  passage  shows,  not  unintelli- 
gent.'^ The  events  told  by  Gaimar  first  concerned  England 
and  Argentine  up  to  the  time  of  Havelok^s  arrival  at  Edelsi's 
court.  Then  after  the  marriage,  dream,  and  return  to  Grimsby, 
Havelok's  story  is  told  by  Kelloc.  In  the  Interpolation  the 
facts  of  Havelok's  life  are  not  told  by  Kelloc,  but  are  transferred 
to  the  beginning  of  the  narrative  and  precede  the  account  of 
Argentine.  The  order  of  events  in  each  division  remains  un- 
changed. One  modification  was  certainly  made  by  the  author. 
Arthur  in  connection  with  this  part  of  the  story  of  England  was 
most  incongruous,  and  he  was  replaced  by  an  indefinite  "  Breton 
kyng "  who  went  to  Denmark  to  collect  the  tribute  which 
"  Arthur  whylom  nam."    The  change  in  the  order  of  events  in 

^8  Cf.  Putnam,  op.  cit.  p.  2.  **  The  style  is  marked  by  extreme  condensa- 
tion, an  entire  incident  often  being  told  in  a  single  line.  As  a  result  the  story 
appears  in  a  surprisingly  complete  form." 


zo  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

the  Interpolation  may  therefore  be  easily  explained,  since  the 
conditions  of  the  chronicle  furnish  an  obvious  reason  for  it,  and 
the  argument  based  on  the  difference  in  this  order  of  narration 
needs  no  longer  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  hypothesis  that 
Gaimar  was  used  as  the  source  of  the  Interpolation. 

Putnam  claims,  however,  that  a  comparison  of  the  Interpo- 
lation with  the  English  Lay  confirms  this  conclusion  of  his, 
which  we  have  just  found  unconvincing,  that  the  Interpolation, 
the  French  Lay,  and  Gaimar  all  emanated  from  a  common 
source.  This  source  he  had  already  described,  as  follows :  '^ 
"  Though  it  is  now  lost  there  must  have  existed  at  some  time  a 
French  version  of  the  romance  distinct  from  Gaimar  and  the 
Lay.  That  such  a  version  did  exist  and  was  the  common  source 
of  both  Gaimar  and  the  Lay  has  been  effectively  proved  by 
Kupferschmidt.'*  In  a  note  he  reiterates:  "  Kupferschmidt*s 
investigation,  already  referred  to,  must  be  regarded  as  settling 
the  fact  that  Gaimar  and  the  Lay  had  a  common  source  written 
in  French  octosyllabic  rimed  couplets."  This  lost  French  ver- 
sion, he  says,  was  also  the  source  of  the  Interpolation.  A  com- 
parison of  the  Interpolation  with  the  English  Lay  reveals:  (a) 
traits  which,  since  they  exist  only  in  the  English  version  and  in 
the  Interpolation,  must  have  been  in  the  source  of  the  English 
poem  and  of  the  lost  French  version  from  which  the  Interpola- 
tion came;  (b)  facts  which,  since  they  exist  in  the  Interpolation, 
the  English  Lay,  and  in  one  of  the  French  versions  but  not  in 
the  other,  must  have  been  in  the  source  of  the  E.nglish  Lay  and 
of  the  two  French  versions,  Gaimar  and  the  Lay. 

Under  (a)  Putnam  enumerates  the  following  points  :''°(i)  Have- 
lok's  reason  for  leaving  Grimsby  (Lamb.  25-26,  E.  Lay  824- 
852);  (2)  the  love  which  the  folk  at  court  feel  for  Havelok 
(Lamb.  44,  E.  Lay  955-958);  (3)  Edelsi  hears  that  Havelok 
has  come  to  the  coast  (Lamb.  75),  and  in  E.  Lay  Godrich  hears 
that  Havelok  has  come  to  England  (2531-2547).  Although 
points  2  and  3  do  not  add  anything  really  new  to  the  accounts 
of  the  French  versions,  since  Gaimar  tells  how  gladly  all  gave 
to  Havelok,  since  the  author  of  the  Lay  reflects  the  same  idea 
in  the  advice  Grim  gives  Havelok  to  make  himself  loved,  and 
^JjL^.t  r  since  in  both  versions  Edelsi  must  have  heard  of  Havelok's 
^^\iy  (approach,  even  if  no  special  mention  is  made  of  it,  yet  point  i, 

^^%^^-^         '^Uid.,  p.  9. 

2°  I  is  the  important  point;   2  and  3  are  mentioned,  p.  12,  n.  i. 


r>'' 


A  CONSIDERATION  OF  PUTNAM'S  STUDY  21 

on  the  other  hand,  is  an  important  connecting  link  between  the 
two  versions. 

Under  (b),  traits  which  exist  in  the  Interpolation,  in  the 
English  Lay,  and  in  only  one  of  the  French  versions,  he  names 
of  those  found  in  Gaimar  the  following:  (1)  the  humble  posi- 
tion of  Grim ;  (2)  the  defeat  of  the  usurper  in  general  battle. 
Of  those  found  in  the  Lay  :  (i)  the  marriage  of  Havelok;  (2) 
Havelok  finds  Grim  dead  upon  his  return  to  Grimsby;  (3)  the 
calling  out  of  the  host.  The  points  which  are  common  to  Gaimar 
are  definite,  but  only  one  is  found  in  the  Lay,  namely  point  i, 
for  point  2  is  common  to  all  the  versions  and  not  opposed  to 
Gaimar^'  as  Putnam  supposed,  and  3  is  a  casual  mention  of  a 
fact  in  accordance  with  Gaimar's  description,  although  not  es- 
pecially mentioned  by  him.  But  2  practically  resolves  itself 
into  the  difference  in  the  time  of  leaving  Grimsby,  because  in 
Gaimar  Havelok  left  Grimsby  after  Grim's  death,  and  in  the 
other  versions  during  his  lifetime. 

We  now  see  that  the  real  point  of  contact  between  the  In- 
terpolation, the  English  Lay,  and  the  French  Lay,  this  differ- 
ence in  the  time  of  leaving  Grimsby,  is  also  the  unexplained 
point  of  similarity  between  the  Interpolation  and  the  French 
Lay,^^  as  opposed  to  Gaimar.  The  circumstances  of  the  depart- 
ure, however,  are  quite  different  in  these  last  named  versions. 
The  significance  of  the  coincidence  in  the  time  of  leaving  Grims- 
by which  we  find  in  the  Interpolation  and  in  the  English  and 
French  Lays  is  vastly  increased  by  the  fact  that  the  conditions 
of  the  departure  are  exactly  the  same  in  the  Interpolation  and 
the  English  Lay. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  point  which  Heyman''^ 
mentions,  as  common  to  the  English  Lay  and  the  Interpola- 
tion, is  Havelok's  appetite,  and  the  only  allusion  to  it  in  the 
Interpolation  is  the  line  in  question  where  the  reason  for  leaving 
Grimsby  is  given. 

Must  one  believe  with  Putnam  that  the  correspondence  of 
details  indicates  a  common  source  for  the  Interpolation  and  the 
French  Lay  ?  May  not  such  details,  on  the  other  hand,  be 
interpreted  as  signs  of  the  influence,  direct  or  indirect,  of  the 
English   Lay  P 

21  Cf.  this  study  p.  15. 

22  Ibid.y  p.  17. 

23  Heyman,  op.  cit.  p.  145. 


22  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

Putnam  rejected  as  highly  improbable  the  idea  that  the  Lam- 
beth Interpolation  could  have  resulted  from  a  combination  of 
two  or  more  versions.  "Such  a  combination,"  he  said,  "would 
of  course  explain  anything  except  itself.  An  interpolating  scribe, 
for  the  sake  of  inserting  into  a  chronicle  an  episode  of  less  than 
a  hundred  lines,  is  not  likely  to  take  the  trouble  to  compare 
varying  versions  of  a  romance,  perhaps  in  more  than  one  lan- 
guage, and  to  make  out  of  them  a  consistent  whole.  .  .  .  The 
Lambeth  Interpolation  tells  a  straightforward,  consistent  story, 
and  any  lack  of  clearness  is  due  to  nothing  more  than  the  ex- 
treme condensation."  ^^  And  again  he  said  concerning  the  epi- 
sode of  Havelok's  departure  from  Grimsby:  "As  it  is  extremely 
improbable  .  .  .  that  this  agreement  with  the  English  romance 
is  accidental,  it  seems  to  be  clear  that  this  must  have  been  an 
element  of  the  story  in  an  early  form."^^ 

But  in  opposition  to  Putnam  the  following  points  may  be 
urged : 

1.  We  are  not  considering,  in  the  case  of  the  Interpolation, 
the  skillful  fusion  of  two  sources,  since  the  basis  of  the  account 
corresponds  to  Gaimar's  story,  and  since  the  material  taken  from 
Gaimar  may  have  been  simply  retouched  by  an  author  who 
knew  the  English  Lay,  or  its  source,  or  some  closely  related 
work.  The  interpolator,  as  we  have  seen,  probably  modified  one 
detail  independently  when  he  substituted  for  Arthur  an  inde- 
finite Breton  king.  He  omitted  all  supernatural  incidents,  and 
introduced  one  statement  which  was  very  likely  his  own  inven- 
tion, since  it  has  been  found  nowhere  else,  i.e.,  that  Argentille 
was  given  to  Havelok  because  of  a  "chere"  she  made  him  (44). 
Is  it  impossible  that,  under  the  direct  or  indirect  influence  of  the 
English  romance,  he  modified  other  details  ? 

2.  Robert,  according  to  Skeat,  was  familiar  with  the  English 
romance,  for  he  quoted  it  or  imitated  it  in  his  Handlynge  Synne.''^ 
Skeat  thinks  Robert's  allusion  to  the  "ryme"  that  "lowed  rrien 
upon  Inglish  tellis  "  refers  to  the  romance  we  know.  However 
that  may  be,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  interpolator  knew  such 
a  work  as  Robert  mentions,  and  that  Robert's  words  may  have 
brought  it  to  his  mind  and  may  have  been  the  cause  of  his  in- 
troducing into  his  account  one  or  two  points  taken  from  it. 

24  Putnam,  op.  cit.  p.  8. 

=5  Ibid.y  p.  12. 

=6  Skeat,  ed.  1902,  pp.  xliii-xliv. 


A  CONSIDERATION  OF  PUTNAM'S  STUDY 


23 


3.  Perhaps  the  interpolator  himself  was  not  responsible  for 
the  combination  of  different  sources.  He  may  have  taken  his 
material  from  some  French  or  English  chronicle  in  which  the 
fusion  was  already  made.  Such  combinations  are  found  among 
the  minor  versions  of  the  Havelok  story  already  referred  to,^^ 
as  for  example  in  the  Brut,  which  was  studied  by  Brie,  who 
found  an  earlier  manuscript  than  that  mentioned  by  Skeat  in 
his  introduction  to  Havelok. ^^  From  his  investigations  Brie 
knew  that  Gaimar  had  served  as  basis  of  the  account  of  Havelok 
in  the  Brut,  but  he  found  that  several  points  in  the  version 
correspond  to  the  English  romance  and  differ  from  Gaimar.^^ 
Some  other  work  closely  related  to  the  English  Lay ,3°  if  not  the 
Lay  itself  in  early  form,  is  therefore  reflected  in  this  passage  for 
which  Gaimar  furnished  the  greater  part  of  the  details.  Other 
manuscripts  of  the  Brut  contain  the  story  at  greater  length  and 
with  still  more  variety  of  incident.  From  the  Brut  the  story 
passed  into  other  chronicles.  May  it  not  be  that  some  com- 
bination in  a  chronicle  which  was  based  chiefly  on  Gaimar,  and 
which  has  not  come  down  to  us,  has  served  the  interpolator  as 
a  source  .f* 

Considering  once  more  the  Interpolation  and  Gaimar,  we  note 
that  the  principal  events  of  the  story  of  the  Interpolation  are  all 
contained  in  Gaimar,  with  the  exception  of  the  episode  of  the 
departure  from  Grimsby. ^^  The  few  points  that  the  Interpola- 
tion has  in  common  with  the  French  Lay  alone  may  be  due  to 

27  See  this  study  p.  6. 

28  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  pp.  xiii-xiv. 

29  Brie,  Eng.  Stud.  1905,  XXXV,  359-371;  and  Heyman,  op.  cit.  pp.  146 
and  147. 

3°  I  ought  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  chronicles  referred  to  may  not 
reflect  merely  the  versions  which  have  been  considered.  There  may  have  been 
various  literary  works  derived  from  both  Gaimar  and  the  French  Lay. 

31  Putnam  thinks  the  Interpolation  and  the  English  Lay  preserve  primitive  traits 
in  this  episode,  since  it  is  natural  to  suppose  there  was  a  reason  for  leaving  Grimsby. 
Grim's  death  furnished  a  reason' of  the  same  kind,  he  being  regarded  as  Havelok's 
means  of  support  —  the  provider  of  the  family.  I  think  it  less  Hkely  that  Gaimar 
changed.  Gaimar  in  other  cases  has  primitive  traits,  and  here  he  has  no  reason 
for  leaving  out  a  famine  and  substituting  Grim's  death.  The  other  writers  change 
and  modify  statements,  as  we  know.  Unless  bound  to  accept  the  common  source 
theory,  I  am  inclined  to  regard  Gaimar' s  as  the  more  primitive  account.  Conden- 
sation could  not  explain  Gaimar' s  changes.  His  account  is  over  eight  hundred 
lines  in  length  and  the  French  Lay  only  eleven  hundred,  and  Gaimar  frequently 
enters  into  long  and  unimportant  descriptions. 


24  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

chance,  and  in  any  case  they  are  vague  and  general.  The  Inter- 
polation also  agrees  with  Gaimar's  account  in  many  definite 
details,  as  Putnam  showed,  especially  in  the  geography  and 
proper  names.  All  the  names  of  characters  mentioned  in  Gaimar 
with  the  exception  of  Kelloc  occur  in  the  Interpolation.  (Eleyne 
is  really  the  Alvive  of  Gaimar,  as  is  shown  by  Ms.  D  of  Gaimar, 
Alleve,  and  Ms.  Z>,  Alleue.  The  letter  u  has  evidently  been 
read  n.) 

Inasmuch  as  the  evidence  derived  from  the  Interpolation 
seems  to  point  more  definitely  to  Gaimar  than  to  the  other 
versions,  and  since  the  differences  may  be  explained  as  due 
directly  to  the  influence  of  the  English  poem,  is  it  not  going 
too  far  to  see  in  Putnam's  explanation  of  the  Interpolation  a 
confirmation  of  Kupferschmidt's  theory  of  the  lost  common 
source  of  the  French  Lay  and  Gaimar  P  If  such  a  source  existed 
for  these  works,  the  Interpolation  may  have  been  derived  from 
it,  but  there  is  not  evidence  enough  in  the  Interpolation  to  es- 
tablish such  a  source. 

Furthermore  it  seems  that  instead  of  corroborating  Kupfer- 
schmidt's theory,  Putnam's  solution  of  the  problem  of  the 
source  of  the  Interpolation  depends  on  the  validity  of  Kupfer- 
schmidt's claims.  The  Interpolation  may  be  explained  as  deriv- 
ing from  the  lost  common  source  of  Gaimar  and  the  French  Lay, 
or  from  Gaimar  modified  by  a  few  suggestions  from  the  English 
Lay  or  a  work  closely  related  to  it,  or  from  some  chronicle  in 
which  Gaimar's  narrative  was  already  fused  with  material  later 
than  Gaimar.  Before  we  decide  to  follow  Putnam  in  adopting 
the  first  of  these  hypotheses,  the  theory  of  the  lost  common 
source,  it  is  expedient  to  turn  to  the  study  in  which  Kupfer- 
schmidt  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  the  French  Lay  and 
Gaimar  emanated  from  a  lost  common  source. 


Ill 

An  Investigation  of  Kupferschmidt's  Study, 

The  Haveloksaga  in  Gaimar  and  the  relation 
between  this  version  and  the  h,ai  d' Haveloc^ 

Two  questions  are  discussed  by  Kupferschmidt  in  his  study, 
Die  Haveloksage  bei  Gaimar:  (i)  Was  the  Havelok  episode  in 
Gaimar's  Estorie  des  Engles  written  by  him,  or  is  it  an  interpo- 
lation ?  (2)  What  is  the  relationship  between  the  two  French 
versions  of  the  story  of  Havelok?  The  first  of  these  questions 
is  of  great  importance,  since  the  chronological  order  of  the  sev- 
eral versions  of  Havelok  would  be  affected  should  this  Havelok 
episode  of  the  Estorie  be  an  interpolation  and  possibly  of  much 
later  date  than  Gaimar.  Kupferschmidt  decided  that  the  episode 
of  Havelok  in  Gaimar's  Estorie  was  written  by  him.  Vising^ 
has  discussed  this  part  of  Kupferschmidt's  article ;  and  although 
he  corrects  the  writer's  derivation  of  Gaimar's  manuscripts,  and 
points  out  inaccuracies,  he  concludes:  "J'admets  que  la  con- 
clusion ou  s'arrete  M.  Kupferschmidt  est  la  plus  probable, 
lors  meme  que  je  ne  peux  admettre  que  son  raisonnement 
soit  toujours  bon  ou  correct."  ^  This  recognition  of  the  Have- 
lok episode  as  Gaimar's  establishes  with  certainty  its  date,  since 
Gaimar's  Estorie  des  Engles  was  written  between  1147  and 
1151.^ 

Before  considering  the  second  question,  it  will  be  necessary  to 

1  Rom.  Stud'.y  IV,  410-430.     4!>0 

2  Vising,  Etude  sur  le  dialecte  anglo-normand  du  XII  Steele y  Upsala,  1882, 
pp.  26-34. 

3  Cf.  ibid.y  p.  29.  Vising  states  again  (p.  30)  that  there  are  slight  differences 
of  language  and  versification  between  the  episode  of  Havelok  and  other  parts  of 
Gaimar,  but  that  these  are  attributable  to  the  different  sources  used,  and  adds, 
**  Mais  en  general  ces  deux  parties  se  ressemblent  etroitement.  Seulement  il  ne  faut 
pas  baser  une  telle  conclusion  sur  les  faits  rapportes  par  M.  Kupferschmidt,  car  il 
a  pris  ses  citations  sans  aucune  critique." 

4  Gaston  Paris  (^Litterature  fran^aise  au  Moyen  Age,  3d  ed.,  Paris,  1905,  p. 
273)  places  Gaimar's  Estorie  about  1148,  and  (p.  145)  he  gives  1 147— 1 151  as 
the  time  limits  for  its  composition. 


26  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

determine  whether  the  Estorie  preceded  or  followed  the  French 
Lai  d' Haveloc.  Kupferschmidt,  who  studied  the  rhymes  of  the 
latter  poem,  concluded  that  the  rhyming  of  ie :  e  and  oit  (Lat. 
-abat):  eit  (Lat. -ebat)  showed  that  the  Lay  could  not  be  earlier 
than  the  thirteenth  century. ^  This  result  is  of  great  importance 
since  it  shows:  (i)  that  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  is  not  the  oldest  ex- 
isting version  of  the  Havelok  saga  as  Madden  and  Skeat^  had 
supposed  it  to  be;  and  (2)  that,  since  the  Lay  is  more  recent 
than  Gaimar,  it  could  not  have  been  abridged  by  the  latter  in  his 
Estorie^  as  Madden,  Skeat,^  and  Storm ^  had  suggested.  Recent- 
ly Deutschbein,^  who  had  at  his  disposal  the  variants  of  the  older 
manuscript  of  the  Lay  (Ms.  P),'°  found  that  the  rhymes  ie:  e^ 
and  out\=  oit]  :  eit  in  the  afore-mentioned  verb  forms  of  the 
imperfect,  were  not  used  in  that  manuscript  and  were  therefore 
not  characteristic  of  the  Lay  itself,  but  that  they  were  evidently 
changes  made  by  a  later  scribe  and  found  in  Ms.  H,  the  basis 
of  the  text  which  Kupferschmidt  studied.  Deutschbein  then 
corrected  the  latter's  date  for  the  Lay,  and  placed  it  in  the 
second  half  of  the  12th  century."  This,  however,  does  not 
affect  the  results  obtained  by  Kupferschmidt,  inasmuch  as  the 
Lay  is  still  more  recent  than  the  text  of  Gaimar,  who  conse- 
quently could  not  have  abridged  it. 

After  establishing  the  fact  that  Gaimar*s  Estorie  preceded  the 
Lay,  Kupferschmidt  cited  from  this  poem  thirty-four  lines, 
which  correspond  almost  word  for  word  with  lines  of  Gaimar's 
Havelok,  and  which  show  that  some  connection  must  have  ex- 
isted between  the  two  poems.  Since  Kupferschmidt  had  settled 
in  the  negative  the  question  of  Gaimar's  having  abridged  the 
Lay,  there  remained  only  two  possible  suppositions  as  to  the 

5  Cf.  Kupferschmidt,  op.  eit.  p.  424.  **Eine  Untersuchung  der  Reime  des 
lai  d' Havelok  jedoch  zeigt  uns,  dass  dieses  unmoglich  vor  dem  Anfang  des  XIII 
Jahrhunderts  entstanden  sein  kann.'* 

6  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  §4.  **This  version  was  certainly  composed  in  the  first 
half  of  the  12th  century." 

7  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  §5. 

8  Storm,  Eng.  Stud.,  1880,  III,  533. 

9  Deutschbein,  Studien  xur  Sagefigeschichte  Englandsy  pp.  97-98. 

^°  Ms.  Phillipps,  Cheltenham,  the  variants  of  which  are  given  in  the  Hardy- 
Martin  edition  of  Gaimar,  I,  320-327. 

"  P.  98.  **Mithin  gehort  der  Lai  d*Aveloc  ciner  wesentlich  alteren  Zeit  an, 
und  wird  wohl  in  die  zweite  Halfte  des  12.  Jhs.  zu  setzen  sein.  Suchier  erklart 
den  Lais  d'Aveloc  fur  einen  der  altesten  Lais." 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  27 

relationship  of  the  two  versions :  either  that  the  Lay  came  from 
Gaimar,  or  that  both  emanated  from  a  common  source.'^ 

Before  Kupferschmidt  only  one  person,  Petrie/^  had  sug- 
gested a  lost  version  as  a  source  of  the  two  French  poems. 
Petrie  observed  that,  although  the  two  versions  have  the  same 
story  in  substance  and  contain  lines  exactly  alike,  at  times  each 
has  circumstances  not  found  in  the  other  which  are  necessary  to 
the  story.  He  speaks  of  the  visit  to  the  hermit  as  an  episode~~^ 
not  found  in  Gaimar's  account,  and  as  one  which  is  needed  to  r 
explain  Argentine's  dream.  In  the  latter  version,  on  the  other  ' 
hand,  there  is  the  description  of  Sygar's  ring,  and  the  record  of 
a  feast,  both  omitted  by  the  author  of  the  Lay.  Kupferschmidt  "^ 
criticizes  Petrie's  arguments,  saying  that  these  episodes  are  by 
no  means  essential,  and  that  all  that  one  may  conclude  from 
them  is  that  the  author  of  the  Lay  had  used  Gaimar.  Nothing 
Petrie  said,  Kupferschmidt  decides,  can  be  taken  as  proof  that 
there  was  a  romance  which  served  as  the  source  of  the  Lay  and 
of  Gaimar's  version.  To  give  such  proof  Petrie  would  have 
had  to  show  that  incidents  found  in  each  of  the  French  works 
occurred  also  in  a  third  work  which  was  totally  independent  of 
them  both.  Then  we  should  know  that  details  found  in  one 
of  the  French  poems  and  in  such  a  work  were  drawn  from  the 
source  of  all  three  works,  and  that  they  were  not  the  invention 
of  one  author.  *  Until  such  proof  is  offered,  he  says,  it  is  idle 
to  speak  of  a  common  source. 

Having  dismissed  Petrie's  arguments  as  worthless,  Kupfer- 
schmidt goes  on  to  say  that  although  Petrie  did  not  prove  his 
assertion  it  is  nevertheless  possible  to  do  so.  An  English  ver- 
sion of  the  story  is  in  existence  which  developed  independently, 
and  we  may  assume  that  details  belonging  to  this  version  and 
one  of  the  French  poems  were  in  the  original  source  of  all 
three.'s 

For  his  assertion  that  the  English  version  developed  inde- 
pendently, and  was  not  influenced  by  the  French  versions, 
Kupferschmidt  refers  to  Skeat,  §20.'^    Skeat,  it  will  be  remem- 

^2  Kupferschmidt,  p.  427. 

^3  Petrie,    Mon.  Hist.  Brit.,   London,   1848,   I,   765,   note  b,  reprinted  by 
Skeat,  ed.  1868,  p.  xxvii. 
^4  Op.  cit.  pp.  427-429. 
^5  Op,  cit.  p.  429. 
^6  Skeat,  ed.  1868,  §20. 


28  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 

bered,  made  this  statement  in  his  edition  of  1868.  His  com- 
parison of  the  three  works  concerned  is  external  and  general. 
At  that  epoch  also  much  less  was  known  about  the  general  de- 
pendence of  English  romances  on  French  originals.  Kupfer- 
schmidt's  entire  proof  therefore  rests  on  the  authority  of  Skeat, 
who  might  possibly  have  modified  his  opinion  in  his  later  edition 
had  it  not  been  for  Kupferschmidt's  own  conclusions  which  he 
(Skeat)  accepted  and  quoted,  together  with  the  results  of  Put- 
nam's study.  According  to  Skeat,  in  his  edition  of  1902,  the 
English  Lay  is  derived  from  an  original  English  source  through 
several  stages  of  development  which  he  represents  by  Ei,  E2, 
E3,  E.  This  last  form,  E,  the  extant  poem,  cannot  have  been 
derived  directly  from  X,  the  original  source  of  all  versions,  since 
there  must  have  been  a  version  Ei  probably  in  the  Lincoln- 
shire dialect,  and  "if  so,  belonging  rather  to  the  earlier  than  to 
the  later  part  of  the  thirteenth  century."  Then  there  must  have 
been  E2,  "almost  certainly  written  in  the  South  of  England  by 
a  Norman  scribe";  and  E3,  "which  may  likewise  have  been  a 
copy  by  a  Norman  scribe,  but  written  in  Lincolnshire  and  add- 
ing a  few  local  interpolations  to  bring  it  up  to  date,  perhaps  as 
late  as  1301.  Of  this  E  seems  to  have  been  an  unintelligent 
copy,  made  not  many  years  afterwards  by  a  somewhat  careless 
scribe  who  tried  to  copy  what  he  had  before  him."  '^  Skeat's 
solution  of  the  relationship  of  the  versions  is,  therefore,  the 
following : 

{r  Gaimar 
Y  }  Lay  of  Havelok 
(^  Interpolation 
Ei     Ez     E3     E 

But  if  E  has  passed  from  the  original  form  through  these 
stages,  how  can  it  be  asserted  that  the  various  forms  of  the  story 
have  never  been  affected  by  influence  from  the  French  Lay  or 
Gaimar.?  Skeat  says  nothing  of  influence  from  these  versions; 
but  to  prove  that  the  English  Lay  in  the  form  in  which  we 
have  it  was  entirely  independent  of  the  French  versions,  it  is 
necessary  that  it  should  have  had  an  independent  origin  and  also 
that  it  should  have  remained  free  throughout  its  development. 

Critics  have  varied  in  their  opinions  regarding  the  general 
resemblances  of  the  versions.     Skeat,  as  we  have  seen,  consid- 

*7  Skeat,  ed.  1902,  Introd.  p.  xlviii. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  29 

ered  the  English  Lay  quite  different  from  the  French  Lay,  but 
Storm '^  observed  that  the  English  Lay  corresponds  to  the 
French  Lay  in  general,  although  some  details  and  names  are 
different.  Kittredge,'^  who  quoted  Storm,  disagreed  with  him, 
saying  that  the  English  Lay,  which  was  three  times  as  long  as 
the  French,  was  different  and  that  it  was  really  a  "gest'*  and 
not  a  lay.  Critics  are  not  more  unanimous  as  to  this  French 
influence.  Some  claim  a  definitely  English  origin  for  Havelok, 
and  make  no  mention  of  French  influence,  whereas  others  be- 
lieve that  the  source  was  English  but  acknowledge  French  in- 
fluence. Another  class  of  critics  refers  the  poem  to  a  French 
source.  This  French  source  is  in  its  turn  considered  by  some 
to  be  the  French  Lay,  and  by  others  to  be  the  hypothetical  lost 
version  proposed  by  Kupferschmidt.  Many,  however,  simply 
say  that  the  source  was  French  without  attempting  to  determine 
it.  Ten  Brink,=°  Korting,^^  Wohlfeil,^^  Kupferschmidt,^^  p^t- 
nam,^^  Billings,^^  Heyman,^^  Brie,=^7  Zenker,^^  and  others  con- 
sider the  source  English. 

Heyman  perhaps  gives  his  reasons  most  definitely.  "  It  has 
been  a  common  presumption  with  scholars  that  there  is  no 
original  English  romance  before  Chaucer's  time,  and  it  is  a  fact 
that  a  very  great  number  of  the  Middle  English  romances  are 
translated  from  French  versions  (which  are  often  based,  in  their 
turn,  on  Anglo-Saxon  originals).  In  many  cases  this  can  be 
proved  by  the  existence  of  French  versions  which  were  composed 

^8  Storm,  Eng.  Stud.,  1880,  III,  533. 

^9Kittredge,  Amer.  Journ.  of  Phil.,  1886,  VII,  184,  n,  3. 

20  Ten  Brink,  History  of  English  Literature,  to  Wyclif  translated  by  Kennedy, 
New  York,  1889,  pp.  150,  232. 

21  Korting,  Grundriss  der  Geschichte  der  englischen  Literatur,  1 9 1  o,  p.  1 1  o,  §8  8 . 

22  Wohlfeil,  The  Lay  of  Havelok  the  Dane,  Leipsic,  1890,  p.  1 1 . 
=^3  Kupferschmidt,  op.  cit.  p.  429. 

24  Putnam,  op.  cit.  pp.  15—16. 

25  Billings,  A  Guide  to  the  Middle  English  Metrical  Romances,  New  York,  1901, 
pp.  21-22.  Kupferschmidt' s  theory  is  given,  and  reference  made  also  to  Brandl 
and  Wiilker  for  suggested  French  influence. 

26  Heyman,  Studies  on  the  Havelok -Tale,  Upsala,  1903,  p.  147. 

27  Brie,  Eng.  Stud.,  XXXV,  364.  Brie  proves  that  an  English  Havelok  poem 
must  have  existed  before  the  extant  one,  and  adds  :  **  Dies  scheint  mir  auch  einen 
schritt  weiter  zur  feststellung  eines  englischen,  nicht  anglonormannischen  originals 
der  Havelok-dichtung  zu  bedeuten,  fiir  das  ich  mit  Heyman  (p.  148)  gegeniiber 
den  meisten  forschern  eintreten  mochte." 

28  Zenker,  Boeve  Amlethus,  Berlin,  1905,  pp.  64,  92. 


30  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

previous  to  the  preserved  English  ones,  and  by  means  of  other 
evidence.  But  a  similar  presumption  lacks  proof  with  regard  to 
Havelok,  and  there  is  no  reason,  but  for  the  general  want  of 
early  English  originals,  to  assume  that  the  original  version  was 
in  French.  Several  reasons  may,  on  the  contrary,  be  adduced 
in  favour  of  the  thorough  English  or  Anglo-Danish  origin  of 
the  lay.  First  of  all  the  tale  itself  is  based  on  traditions  which 
were  current  in  England  before  the  arrival  of  the  Normans.  It 
is  hard  to  say  why  a  poem  should  not  have  been  actually  written 
already  towards  the  middle  of  the  nth  century.  The  number 
of  different  facts  stated  in  the  English  poem  is  so  great  that  we 
are  forced  to  assume  that  the  majority  were  put  in  writing  at 
a  comparatively  early  period."  Heyman  then  refers  again  to 
several  passages  which  occur  in  the  English  romance  of  Havelok 
and  which  occur  in  only  one  of  the  three  other  versions  (the 
Lay,  the  Interpolation,  and  Gaimar),  and  he  claims  that  the 
corresponding  passages  prove  the  English  version  to  be  closer 
to  the  original  tale.  As  additional  evidence  of  the  English 
origin  of  the  poem,  he  cites  the  English,  Scandinavian,  and 
Welsh  names  of  the  characters.  His  conclusion  is:  "In  short, 
as  all  this  supports  the  probability  that  the  English  romance 
was  not  translated  from  a  presumed  French  version,  and  owing 
to  the  fact  that  there  is  no  convincing  evidence  to  prove  the 
contrary,  it  seems  tolerably  certain  that  the  Lay  of  Havelok  the 
Dane  is  an  original,  English  romance."  ^^ 

Vising,3°  in  his  notice  of  Heyman,  comments  on  this  passage 
as  follows:  "Das  bemerkenswerteste  an  diesem  Resultat  ist  die 
Unabhangigkeit  der  englischen  Romanze  von  der  franzosischen 
Version.  So  hatte  schon  Kupferschmidt  geurteilt,  und  ihm  folgt 
Dr.  Anna  Hunt  Billings.  Indes  sind  die  Griinde  hierfiir  schwach 
und  es  fragt  sich,  ob  nicht  die  fur  die  entgegengesetzte  Auffas- 
sung  ins  Feld  gefuhrten  allgemeinen  Betrachtungen,  die  Hey- 
man zwar  seinerseits  entkraften  will  (S.  147),  starker  sind.  Man 
hat  kaum  ein  sicheres  Beispiel  von  einer  romantischen  Sage, 
die  als  alt-  oder  mittelenglisches  Original  vorhanden  ware.  Auf 
der  andern  Seite  stellen  sich  eine  betrachtliche  Zahl  englischer 
Romanzen  oder  Romane  als  Bearbeitungen  nach  franzosischen 
(anglonormannischen)  Vorlagen  aus.     Schofield  wagt  sogar  fol- 

*9  Heyman,  op,  cit.  p.  148. 

y*  Kritischer  Jahresbericht  uber  die  Fortschritte  der  rom.  Phil.y  190  2- 190  3, 
VII,  2,  90-91. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  31 

gende  Behauptung:  'The  stones  of  the  English  heroes  Waldef 
(Walpeof),  Havelok,  Guy  of  Warwick,  Beves  of  Hampton, 
Hereward,  Fulk  Fitz  Warren,  and  others,  were,  it  is  well 
known,  recorded  in  French.  There  is,  indeed,  as  has  already 
been  said,  no  single  instance  where  purely  native  transmission 
of  an  English  romance  is  demonstrable.' ^'^i 

For  King  Horn,  in  the  form  in  which  it  has  come  down  to  us, 
an  English  source  had  been  claimed,  but  Morsbach^^  and  Scho- 
field33  have  definitely  shown  that  it  is  of  French  origin. 

Ward  expressed  the  view  that  the  source  was  English  but 
that  French  influence  was  also  to  be  taken  into  account.^^ 
The  English  Lay,  he  thought,  was  based  on  a  popular  develop- 
ment of  the  legend,  "though  its  author  was  apparently  acquainted 
with  the  French  Lay."  Gollancz,^^  in  speaking  of  the  English 
sagas,  said  of  Havelok:  "This  English  romance  is  independent 
of  the  French  version,  though  the  author  was  evidently  ac- 
quainted with  the  Anglo-Norman  poem." 

Besides  Vising  and  Schofield,^^  who  have  already  been  quoted, 
Wulker,37   Morsbach,^^  Brandl,^^   Holthausen,^"  Deutschbein,'^^ 

31  Schofield,  The  Story  of  Horn  and  Rimenhildy  The  Publications  of  the  Modern 
Language  Association  of  America  y  1903,  XVIII,  53. 

32  Morsbach,  Die  angebliche  Originalitat  des  friihmittelenglischen  **King 
Horn."  Beitrdge  zur  rom.  und  eng.  Phil.  (Festschrift  fiir  Foerster),  Halle, 
1902,   pp.  297—323. 

33  Op.  cit.  p.  53.  **I  have  given  over  unwillingly  the  view  I  have  long  had 
on  this  point,  but  it  seems  to  me  now  impossible  to  maintain  it  with  good  reasons, 
and  cogent  arguments  are  distinctly  opposed." 

34  Ward,  Catalogue  of  Romances y  1883,  I,  440. 

35  Gollancz,  Hamlet  in  Icelandy  London,  1898,  p.  xh. 

36  Schofield,  English  Literature  from  the  Norman  Conquest  to  Chancery  New 
York,  1906,  p.  268.  Of  the  English  Lay  he  says:  **Its  relation  to  the  other 
accounts  so  far  discussed  is  still  obscure.  .  .  .  Evidently  the  English  poem  stands 
by  itself;  but  it  is  not  safe  to  assume  that  it,  rather  than  the  French  poems,  repre- 
sents best  the  original  narrative  either  in  substance  or  in  style.  Like  Horn  Childy 
it  is  probably  a  late  redaction  of  early  French  material,  into  which  new  names, 
new  incidents,  and  new  sentiments  are  introduced.". 

37  Wiilker,  Geschichte  der  eng.  Lit.y  1900,  p.  98. 

38  Morsbach,  Die  angebliche  Originalitat  des  friihmittelenglischen  **King 
Horn,"   p.  300. 

39Brandl,  Grundriss  der  Germ.  Phil.y  1893,  II,  Abt.  i,  §52.    (See  Billings.) 

40  Holthausen,  ed.  oi  Havelok y  London,  1901,  Introd.,  p.  ix.  **The  English 
poem  is  probably  a  translation  of  a  French  one,  which  is  however  lost." 

41  Deutschbein,  Studien  zur  Sagengeschichte  Etiglandsy  Cothen,  1906,  p.  159. 
**  Unser  Ergebnis  hat  uns  dahingefuhrt,  dass  der  englische  Spielmann  kaum  altere 


32  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 

and  Suchier'^''  believe  that  the  source  may  have  been  French. 
Of  these,  Wiilker,  Morsbach,  Schofield,  and  Holthausen  mere- 
ly mention  a  French  original.  Deutschbein  hesitates  between 
the  French  Lay  and  Kupferschmidt's  hypothetical  version. 
Suchier  says :  "  Der  englische  Bankelsanger  .  .  .  diirfte,  un- 
mittelbar  oder  mittelbar,  auf  dem  franzosischen  Dichter^^ 
fussen."  Gollancz  and  Ward  also  have  in  mind  the  influence 
of  the  French  Lay,  and  not  that  of  an  earlier  poem. 

It  would  seem,  then,  from  these  varying  opinions  that  it  is 
impossible  to  speak  of  the  independence  of  the  English  Lay 
as  if  it  were  a  definitely  established  fact,  and  that  an  exami- 
nation of  the  versions  of  Gaimar,  the  French  Lay,  and  the 
English  Lay  is  absolutely  necessary  as  the  next  step  in  an  in- 
vestigation of  the  source  of  any  one  of  the  three  works.  If 
passages  clearly  resembling  Gaimar,  and  others  indubitably 
resembling  the  French  Lay,  exist  side  by  side  in  the  poem, 
we  may  agree  with  Kupferschmidt's  belief  in  the  independence 
of  the  English  Lay. 

For  the  detailed  study  of  the  three  versions  I  shall  place  the 
passages  selected  from  the  English  Lay  opposite  the  corre- 
sponding passages  of  the  French  poems.  If  the  lines  are  found 
only  in  Gaimar  they  will  be  printed  in  black  type ;  and  if  they 
occur  in  the  Lay  only,  they  will  be  indicated  by  an  asterisk. 
G,  F,  and  £,  will  be  used  to  denote  Gaimar's  version,  the 
French,  and  English  Lays,  respectively.  Where  the  resem- 
blance is  especially  close,  the  lines  will  be  italicized.  Occasion- 
ally lines  from  the  French  poems  which  present  interesting 
differences  from  £,  or  which  are  only  remotely  connected  with 
£,  are  given  in  parentheses. 

(miindliche)  Quellen  fiir  seinen  Stoff  benutzt  hat ;  sondern  wie  seine  ubrigen 
Landsleute  wird  er  wohl  eine  franzosische  Vorlage  gehabt  haben.  Diese  Vorlage 
konnte  nun  unser  afr.  Lai  gewesen  sein,  zu  dem  das  Gedicht  in  mehreren  Punkten 
weit  besser  als  zu  Gaimar  passt.  Wenn  man  aber  Wert  darauf  legen  will,  dass  in 
einem  bemerkenswerten  Punkte  die  englische  Havelokversion  mit  der  cymrischen 
Meriaducsage  iibereinstimmt,  so  muss  man  unser  englisches  Gedicht  (direkt  oder 
durch  mehrere  Zwischenglieder)  auf  jenes  verlorengegangene  franz.  Gedicht  (bez. 
dessen  Vorlage)  zuriickfiihren,  das  schon  Gaimar  und  dem  Verfasser  des  Lais  als 
Quelle  gedient  hat. 

42  Suchier  und  Birch-Hirschfeld,   Geschichte  der  franz.   tit.y  2d  ed.,   1913, 
p.  124. 

43  The  **Dichter"  just  mentioned  was  the  author  of  the  French  Lay. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


33 


ENGLISH  LAY 


FRENCH  LAY— GAIMAR 


13 


The  English  Lay  begins  with  Eng- 
land and  Athelwoid. 


I I  o    Of  his  bodi  ne  hauede  he  eyr 

I I I  Bute  a  may  den  swi^efayr, 

112   pat  was  so  yung  ))at  sho  ne  cou|)e 
Gon  on  fote,  ne  speke  with  mouj^e. 
\)an  him  tok  an  iuel  strongy 
I  5   ])at  he  zuel  wiste,  and  under-fond, 

1 1 6  \)at  his  deth  was  comen  him  on :  44 
(The  king  complains  of  leaving 
Argentine,  sends  for  his  earls, 
and,  on  their  arrival,  asks  them 
to  choose  her  guardian.  They 
elect  Godrich  of  Corn  wayle.  The 
king,  with  "messebok,  caliz,  45 
pateyn,  corporaus,  messe-gere" 
makes  Godrich  swear  to  keep  his 
oath. ) 

189  per-on  he  garte  \e  erl  suere, 

190  \>at  he  sholde  yemen  hire  wel, 

191  With-uten  lac,  with-uten  tel, 

1 92  Till  \at  she  were  tuelf  winter  old, 

193  And  of  speche  were  bold  ; 

194  And  )>at  she  cou]>e  of  curteysye 

195  [Don,]  and  speken  of  luue-drurye ; 

1 96  And  til  pat  she  louen  mouhte 

197  Hwom  so  hire  to  gode  thouhte; 

198  And  j>at  he  shulde  hire  yeue 

199  p<?  \hexte'\  man  \at  mihte  Hue, 

200  \>e  besteyfayreste,  the  strangest  ok: 

201  pat  dede  he  him  sweren  on  ])e  bok. 
And  \anne  shulde  he  Engelond 
A I  bitechen  in- to  hire  hond. 

(Athelwoid) 
230  To  lesu  Crist  bigan  to  calle, 
2  3  I    And  deyede  biforn  his  hey  men  alle. 


202 
203 


Gaimar's  account  begins  with  Eng- 
land and  Argentine. 

Adelbright  and  Orewein 

208  ^Mes  entre  eus  neurent  enfant 

209  *Af^j  qe  vne  file  bele ; 

210  (Argentine  out  non  la  pucele). 

21 1  ^Rois  Ekenbright  fut  enfermeZy 

212  ^Et  de  grant  mal  forment  greuez, 
2  1 3   ^Bien  siet  nen  poet  garrir ; 


*Alsi  fet  a  lui  venir, 
*Sa  fille  li  ad  comandee 

2 1 6  *Et  sa  terre  tote  liueree. 

217  ^Primerement  li  fet  iurer, 

2 1 8  ^Veiant  sa  gent,  et  affier, 

219  *^  leaument  la  nurrireit, 

220  *Et  sa  terre  lui  gardereit, 

221  *  Tant  qele  fust  de  tie  I  age 


214 
215 


222  *j^<?  suffrir  porroit  mariage ; 

223  *Quant  la  pucele  seit  granz, 

225  '^Au  plus  fort  home  la  dorroit 

226  *^  el  reaume  troueroit ; 


227  ^^il  li  baillast  ses  citeZy 

228  ^Ses  chaste  us  et  ses  fermeteZy 

23  I  *Mes  la  reyne  enmaladit ; 

232  Puis  qe  Ekenbright  finit. 


249  pe  riche  erl  ne  foryat  nouht, 


44  In  G  the  king  dies  without  any  premonitions  (79):  Mes  done  avint  ke 
Adelbrict  fu  mort.  In  E  Athelwoid  is  anxious  about  Goldborough,  and  this 
anxiety  is  implied  in  F  by  the  fact  that  Ekenbright  sends  for  Alsi  and  intrusts 
Argentine  to  his  keeping. 

45  Nothing  of  this  passage  is  found  in  G.  The  queen  takes  Argentille  to 
Edelsi  after  Adelbrict' s  death. 


34 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

2  50  pat  he  ne  dede  al  Engelond  *^ 
251    Sone  sayse  intil  his  hond  ; 

280  ])e  kinges  doubter  gan  [/<?]  \riue 

281  And  wex  |)e  fayrest  wuman  on  liue. 

(Godrich  shuts  her  up  in  a 

322  tower  and  )  *  *]>erinne  dede  hire  fede 

323  Pourelike  in  feble  wede.*'  47 
328   Of  Goldboru  shul  we  nou  laten, 

(Birkabeyn  had  three  children, 
**Deth  him  tok  ))an  he  best 
wolde  liuen,*':48 

Here  Athel wold's  feeling  and 
actions  are  repeated  by  Birkabeyn, 
who  sends  for  priests  to  shrive 
him  and  knights  to  select  a  guar- 
dian for  the  children.  Godard 
is  chosen  and  swears  on  the 
**messebok"  to  care  for  them 
and  to  rule  Denmark  until  the 
son  should  become  a  knight  when 
he  should  give  him  the  country. ) 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

237  *Rois  Alsi,  qui  done  regna 

238  *Et  les  ii,  regnes  gouerna, 

284  *Z/7  mes  chine  t  quert  s  a  file, 

285  *Quc  ia  estoit  creue  et  grant. 


235  DE  EUS  estoet  ore  ci  lesser. 


53  *Gunter  auoit  vn  soen  chastel 

54  *Sus  la  marine,  fort  et  bel ; 

56  *Dedenz  mist  sa  femme  et  son  fiz  ; 

57  *A  vn  baron  de  la  contree 

58  *En  ad  la  garde  comandee. 
61    *Sur  totes  riens  li  comanda 


46  G  has  no  transition  from  the  death  of  Ekenbright  and  the  queen  to  the  mar- 
riage. E  Argentine  fu  norie  A  Nicole,  e  en  Lindeseie.  Si  com  dit  lantive  gent, 
Ele  nout  nue  cheval  parent  De  par  sun  pere  des  Daneis.  Then  follows  imme- 
diately :   Oiez  ke  fit  eel  felons  reis.  (91—98.) 

47  This  episode  of  the  cruel  treatment  of  Goldborough  belongs  only  to  the 
English  Lay.  It  corresponds  to  the  treatment  accorded  Havelok,  and  one  is  a 
duplication  of  the  other,  as  Wittenbrinck  first  suggested  in  his  study  Zur  Kritik 
und  Rhythmik  des  altenglischen  Lais  von  Havelok  dem  Ddnen^  Burgsteinfurt,  1891, 
p.  5  :  **  Die  Fabel  seiner  Geschichte  ist  diirftig.  Zwei  grosse  Ziige  gehen  an- 
fangs  parallel  und  werden  dann  zusammengefuhrt."  The  English  version,  too, 
shows  an  entire  modification  of  the  early  Danish  events  in  order  to  carry  out  an 
extended  duplication  of  the  English  part  of  the  story.  Thus  in  both  England  and 
Denmark  the  king  knows  he  is  going  to  die,  he  summons  his  barons,  and  entrusts 
his  kingdom  and  infant  heir  to  an  earl  who  takes  an  oath  and  afterwards  usurps 
the  kingdom. 

48 In  /"and  G  Havelok' s  father  is  killed  in  combat  with  Arthur.  E  has  du- 
plicated Athelwold's  illness  and  death.  In  G  no  provision  for  Havelok  was  made 
by  Gunter,  but  in  F,  before  the  battle,  Havelok  and  the  queen  were  entrusted  to 
Grim's  care.  Although  the  circumstances  are  different,  E  and  F  agree  in  the 
provision  made  by  Havelok' s  father  for  him.  In  G  the  queen  flees  with  him 
after  Gunter' s  death. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


35 


(ENGLISH  lay) 


(Godard  imprisons  the  children 
in  a  tower,  starves  them  and  kills 
the  sisters,  but  spares  Havelok. 
He  repents  of  his  clemency  later 
and  gives  Havelok  to  Grim  to 
drown.  The  light  emanating 
from  the  sack  into  which  Havelok 
is  thrown  shows  Grim's  wife  that 
the  boy  is  no  common  child. 

The  light  50  is  described  as  in 
both  French  versions.  But  there 
is  the  additional  **kyne  merk " 
on  his  right  shoulder.  Grim 
saves  Havelok  but  claims  reward 
from  Godard  for  killing  him. 
Godard  refuses  it  and  threatens 
Grim,  who  sees  he  must  flee  or 
**Heye  hangen  on  galwe-tre."5i 
Grim  sells  his  grain  and  animals. ) 

706  Hise  ship  he  grey\ede  we  I  inozvy 

707  He  dede  it  tere,  and  ful  wel  pike, 

708  pat  it  ne  doutede  sond  ne  krike  ; 

709  per-inne  [he]  dide  a  ful  god  mast, 
7  I  o  Stronge  kables,  and  ful  fast, 

7 1 1  Ores  gode,  and  ful  god  seyl ; 

7 1 2  per-inne  wantede  nouht  a  nayl, 
7 1  3   pat  euere  he  sholde  J)er-inne  do  ; 
7 1 4  Hwan  he  hauedet  grey^ed  so, 

7 1  5    Hauelok  \eyunge  he  dede  \er-inney  5^ 

7 1 6  Him  and  his  wify  hise  sones  \rinney 

7 1 7  And  hise  two  douhtres,   pat  /dire 
wore  : 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAR) 

62  *Son  fiz,  quil  forment  ama  ; 

63  *Qe  si  de  lui  mesauenoit, 

64  *En  bataille  sil  morroit, 

65  *Qa  son  poeir  le  garantist 

66  *Et  fors  del  pais  le  meist,49 


89  ^Grimfet  niefs  apparaillefy 

90  *Et  de  viande  bien  charger. 


97  ^^ant  sa  nieffut  apparailleey 

98  ^Dedenx  fist  entrer  sa  meisnee, 

99  ^Ses  cheualers  et  ses  serganzy 
100  ^Safemme  demeine  et  ses  enfanz; 


49  Notice  that  in  F  Havelok  and  the  queen  are  put  in  a  strong  castle  for  pro- 
tection ;  in  E  the  enemy  places  Havelok  and  his  sisters  in  a  strong  castle-tower 
to  torment  them.      In  G  no  strong  tower  is  mentioned. 

50  G  does  not  mention  the  Hght  until  the  night  of  the  marriage.  F  contains 
a  description  of  the  hght  in  the  part  of  the  story  just  preceding  the  embarcation. 

51  In  Z'  Grim  takes  the  initiative  and  embarks  with  Havelok  and  the  queen, 
though  not  for  considerations  of  his  own  danger.  In  G  the  queen  flees  to  Grim 
with  Havelok  and  they  embark. 

52  F  and  E  both  describe  the  embarcation,  though  they  difi^er  as  to  the  order 
in  which  the  family  entered  the  boat.   ^J  K-tro  pt'fi 


36 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D*HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 


723—5    (The    *bise'    drove   them   to 
England. )  53 

In  Humber  Grim  bigan  to  lende. 
In  Lindeseye,  riht  at  \e  north 
ende. 

per  sat  his  ship  up-on  ))e  sond. 
But  Grim  it  drou  up  to  ))e  lond ; 

737  And  ]>ere  he  made  a  litel  cote 

738  To  him  [and  his] ,  and  to  hise  flote. 


733 
734 

735 
736 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAR) 

10 1  *La  reyne  mist  el  batel, 

102  *Haueloc  tint  souz  son  mantel ; 

103  *I1  meismes  aprcs  entra, 

108  *Mes  ne  sieuent  queu  part  aler 
122  *Tant  ont  nage  et  tant  sigle 
1  23  *Qen  vne  hauene  sont  paruenu, 

I  24  Et  de  la  nief  a  terre  issu. 

125   ^Ceofut  el  North y  a  Grimesbi. 


739  Bigan  he  )>ere  for  to  erde, 

']\o  A  litel  hus  to  maken  of  er\e,^^ 

741  So  fat  he  [and  his]  wel  wore 

742  Of  here  herboru  herborwed  \ore ; 

743  And  for  J)at  Grim  jjat  place  auhte, 

744  p^  stede  of  Grim  \e  name  lauhte ; 

745  So  \at  Grimesbi  [//]  calk 

746  [He]  ]>at  ))er-of  speken  alle;55 


749  Grim  was  fishere  $wi])c  ^od, 

750  And  mikel  cou|>e  on  the  flod  ; 

751  Mani  ^od  fish  )>eMnne  he  tok, 

752  Bo])e  with  net,  and  [ek]  with  hok. 

753  He  tok  ]>e  sturgiun,  and  |)e  qual, 

754  And  ))e  turbut,  and  lax  with-al, 

755  He  tok  )>e  sclc,  and  [ek]  |>e  el ; 

756  He  spedde  ofte  swi)>e  wel : 

757  Keling  he  tok,  and  tumberel, 

758  Hering,  and  ])e  makerei, 

759  pe  butte,  \t.  schulle,  |>e  })ornbake  : 

760  Gode  paniers  dede  he  make, 

761  On  til  him,  and  ofer  ))rinne 


53  F  and  E  represent  Grim  as  sailing  at  random  and  driven  on  the  shore  of 
England.  In  G  Grim  directs  his  course  to  England  :  (581)  En  Lindeseie  volt 
aler.      E  omits  the  attack  of  the  pirates. 

54  The  house  was  made  by  Grim  from  his  boat  in  both  F  and  G. 

55  This  information  about  Grimsby  is  not  given  in  G.  The  passage  in  E 
strikingly  corresponds  to  that  of  F.  The  names  of  fishes  are  the  same  in  G  and 
Ey  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  fishes  are  enumerated  in  both  versions. 


793  Li  prodoms  mansion  ileua, 
129  //  /  adresca  primes  maison 

794  *Tut  primerement  si  herberga ; 
134  ^Iloec  dedenz  sest  herberge. 

139  Plusurs  a  li  sacompaignerent, 

1 40  *Sus  le  hauene  se  herbergerent ; 

141  ^Pur  son  nony  qil  eurent  oi, 

142  *Le  liu  appellerent  Grimesbi. 

442  Per  un  batel  ben  ^uarisimes, 

443  Dunt  nostre  pere  ala  pescher. 

1 3  5  *Pescher  aloit  si  com  il  soloit, 

795  *Assez  nus  troua  a  manger ; 

796  Par  vendre  siel  et  par  pescher, 

444  PcJson  eumes  a  manner; 

445  Turbuz,  salmuns  e  muivels. 


446  Graspeis,  porpeis  e  makerels 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


37 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

762  Til  hise  sones,  to  beren  fish  inne, 

763  Vp  o-londe  to  selle  and  fonge  ; 

764  Forbar  he  neyj>er  tun,  ne  gronge, 

765  pat  he  ne  to-yede  with  his  ware ; 

766  Kam  he  neuere  horn  hand-bare, 

767  pat  he  nc  brouhtc  bred  and  sowcl 

768  In  his  shirte,  or  in  his  couel ; 

7  7 1    And  h  wan  he  tok  ]>e  gretelaumprei, 

772  Ful  wel  he  coujje  Ipc  rihte  wei 

773  To  Lincolne,  Ipe  gode  boru  ; 
(Havelok  tries  to  earn  his  Hving 
when  twelve.  His  labor  is  de- 
scribed. A  famine  follows  and 
Grim  talks  to  Havelok,  advising 
him  to  go  to  Lincoln  to  find 
work.  56     He  says :  57 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAR) 


839 
840 
841 
843 
844 
850 
851 
852 

853 
854 
855 
856 


857 
858 

859 


*Hauelok,  dere  sone, 
I  wene  that  we  deye  mone 
For  hunger,  )7is  dere  is  so  strong, 
Betere  is  )>at  ]>u  henne  gonge 
pan  pu  here  dwelle  longe  ; 
Betere  is  ]>at  ]>u  )?ider  go. 
For  }>er  is  mani  god  man  inne, 
per  ]?ou  maght  ]>i  mete  tvinne. 
But  wo  is  me  !  ])ou  art  so  naked. 
Of  mi  seyl  y  wolde  were  maked 
A  cloth,  ))ou  mihtest  inne  gongen, 
Sone,  no  cold  )>at  )>u  ne  fonge. ' 
(And  the  making  of  the  garment 
is  described.) 

He  tok  ]>e  sheres  of  ]>e  nayl. 
And  made  him  a  couel  of  ])e  sayl. 
And  Hauelok  dide  it  sone  on  ; 
(The  king's  cook,  attracted  by  his 
strength  and  work,' takes  him  to 
his  kitchen  to  serve. )  58 


448  Eumes  pain,  e  bon  peison. 

449  Del  peissun  cangium  le  pain 

450  Horn  nus  aportout  a  plain. 

( Havelok' s  growth  and  strength 
are  described.  Grim  rejoices  in 
him,  but  laments  his  position  and 
surroundings.  Grim  then  talks  to 
the  boy  and  advises  him  to  go  to 
Lincoln  to  the  court  to  **  aprendre 
sens  et  avoir  querre.") 

1 66  *"  Beau fiz, ' '  fet il, ** entend  a  moi 

167  ***Ici  manon  mult  soutiuement, 

168  ***  Od  pescheours,  od  poure  gent, 

171  **<Ici  ne  poez  sauer  nul  bien, 

172  ***Tu  ni  gaigneras  ia  rien, 

173  *<<  Va  ten,  beau  fiz,  en  Engleterre 

1 74  *<* Aprendre  sens  et  auoir  querre  ; 

183  ***Et  Dieu  te  dount  se  espleiter 

1 84  ***  Qe  auques  i  puissez  gaigner.'* 


185  *Quant  li  prodoms  lout  enseigne, 

186  *Et  de  draps  apparaille, 
*De  lui  le  fist  partir  a  peine. 
*Cil  Hauelok  a  sa  curt  vint, 
*Et  vn  keu  le  roi  le  retint, 
Purceo  qe  fort  le  vist  et  grant 


i»7 
241 
242 

243 


56  The  resemblance  between  E  and  F  is  very  noticeable  here.  Havelok  leaves 
Grimsby  at  about  the  same  time  in  both  ;  Grim  tells  him  to  go,  giving  a  reason 
for  so  doing  and  instructions.  In  each  case  Grim  provides  him  with  clothes. 
The  chief  difference  is  one  of  tone,  appropriate  to  the  circumstances  and  details 
of  each  poem.  The  suggestion  of  Havelok's  earning  or  acquiring  something  is 
found  in  F  as  well  as  in  E.  The  famine  in  E  is  surprising.  Why  should  it  have 
affected  the  fishes? 

57  Grim's  speeches  in  G  and  in  F  are  similar,  although  different  in  tone. 

58  This  more  elaborate  scene  corresponds  in  several  points  to  that  of  F.  In  G 
it  is  merely  stated  that  Havelok  was  esqueler  a  une  quistron  (153-154). 


38 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

876  pc  bermen  let  he  alle  ligge, 

877  And  bar  )>e  mete  to  )>e  castel, 

878  And  gat  him  })ere  a  fer}>ing  wastel. 
(He  pushes  aside  the  16  porters 
of  the  cook  and  catches  up  the 
fish.) 

895  He  bar  up  wel  a  carte-lode 

896  Of  segges,  laxes,  of  playces  brode, 
(Havelok  tells  what  he  can  do.) 

2  Fir  and  water  y  wile  yow  fete, 

3  pe  fir  blowe,  and  ful  wele  maken  ; 

4  Stickes  kan  ich  breken  and  kraken, 
9  Ful  wel  kan  ich  dishes  swilen. 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

244  Et  mult  le  vist  de  bon  semblant 


(His  duties  are  described.) 

932  lilck?imlol^&wt\\tyWaterup-droWy 

933  And  filde  ]?er  a  michel  so ; 

935  Bi-twen  his  hondes  he  bar  it  in, 

936  Al  him  one,  to  ))e  kichin. 

945  Of  alle  men  was  he  mest  meke, 

946  Lauhwinde  ay,  and  bli\e  of  speke  ; 

947  Euere  he  was  glad  and  bli\ey 
949  It  ne  was  non  so  litel  knaue, 

951  pat  he  ne  wolde  with  him  pleye  ; 

952  pe  children  that  yeden  in  })e  weie 

953  Of  him  he  deden  al  her  wille,59 

954  And  with  him  leykeden  here  fille. 

955  Him  ioueden  alle,  stille  and  bolde, 

956  Knihtcs,  children,  yun^c  and  oldc ; 

957  Alle  him  Ioueden  )>at  him  sowen, 

958  Bopen  heye  men  and  lowe. 

959  Of  him  J}e  word  ful  wide  sprong, 

960  Hu    he  was   mikel,   hu    he  was 
strong,^ 

961  Hu  fayr  man   God  him  hauede 
maked. 


245   Merueillous  fcs  poeit  leuer. 


246  "^Busche  tailler 

247  '^Les  esquieles  receuoit, 

248  *£/  apres  manger  ks  lauoit ; 

246  "^ewe  porter 

277  XII.  homes  ne  poeient  leuer 

278  Le  fes  que  il  poeit  porter. 


253   ^Tant  estoit  franc  et  deboneire. 


254  ^^e  tuz  voloit  lur  pleisir  fere. 

1 39  Pur  CO  cstait  sj  ben  amez, 

140  E  si  preisez*  c  si  loez, 

H*  Navcit  frans  horn  en  la  meison, 

142  Si  Cuheran  en  voleit  don, 

143  Kil  ne  lui  donast  volunters; 

243  Purceo  qe  fort  le  vist  et  grant, 

244  Et  mult  le  vist  de  bon  semblant. 


59952  corresponds  to  253  of  F,  but  with  a  change  in  subject.  Havelok 
did  everyone's  pleasure  in  F.  In  both  G  and  F  he  gave  abundantly  to  the 
"valets,"  and  G  adds  that  he  was  much  loved  for  this,  and  that  there  was  no  one 
who  would  not  give  to  him.  In  F  they  make  fun  of  him.  In  E^  however,  the 
description  of  the  attitude  recalls  the  general  phrases  used  for  Athelwold  (30)  : 
Him  lovede  yung,  him  loveden  olde,  ^<  ^<, 

Erl  and  barun,  dreng  and  thayn,  ^ 

Kniht,  and  bondeman,  and  swain,  etc. 
^Ey  Fy  and  G  correspond  in  giving  Havelok' s  characterisdcs. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


39 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

962  But-on  ]>at  he  was  almest  naked  : 

979  For  \anne  he  weren  a  lie  samen 

980  At  Lincolney  at  \e  gameriy^'^ 

981  And  )>e  erles  men  woren  alle  |?ore, 

982  Was  Hauelok  bi  ])e  shuldren  more 

983  pan  \t  meste  J>at  ))er  kam  : 

984  In  armes  him  noman  \ne~^  nam 

985  ptf/  he  doune  sone  ne  caste; 

986  Hauelok  stod  ouer  hem  als  a  mast. 

989  In  Engelond  [was]  non  hise  per 

990  Ofstreng\e  \at  euere  kam  him  ner^ 

99 1  Als  he  was  strong y  so  was  he  softe  ; 
g()z  pey  a  man  him  misdede  ofte, 

993  Neuere  more  he  him  [misseyde], 

994  Ne  hond  on  him  with  yuele  leyde. 


1 00 1  And  he  (Godrich)  gart  komen 
into  ]>e  tun 

1002  Mani  erly  and  mani  barun; 

1003  And  a  lie  [men^  pat  Hues  were 


1004 
1005 
1006 


1065 
1066 

1067 
1068 
1069 
1070 
1071 
1072 

1073 

1074 
1075 


In  Engelond,  ]7anne  were  ))ere,  . 

pat  )?ey  haueden  after  sent 

To  ben  )>er  at  \z  parlement. 

(A  description  of  games  follows 

in  which  Havelok  excels  all.) 

porhut  England  yede  ])e  speke, 

Hu  he  was  strong,  and  ek  [ful] 

meke  ; 

In  the  castel,  up  in  |>e  halle, 

pe  knihtes  speken  J)er-of  alle. 

So  that  Godrich  it  herde  wel 

per  speken  of  Hauelok,  eueri  del, 

Hu  he  was  strong  man  and  hey^ 

Hu  he  was  strongs  and  ek   \_ful 

sley-] 

And  )?ouhte  Godrich,  *))oru  ]>is 

knaue 

Shall  ich  Engelond  al  haue. 

And  mi  sone  after  me ;  ^2 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

239  ^Bone  curt  tint  et  grant  gent; 

240  "^A  Nicole  manoit  souent, 
262  Li  cheualer  et  li  sergant, 

264  Desquil  seurent  sa  grant  vertu, 

265  Deuant  eus  liuter  le  fesoient 

266  As  plus  for  X  homes  qil  sauoient, 

267  Et  il  trestouz  les  abatit; 


268  Et  si  nuls  de  eus  le  mesdeisist, 

269  Par  dreite  force  le  lioit ; 

270  Tant  le  tenoit  et  iustisoit 

271  Quil  li  auoit  tut  pardone, 

272  Et  quil  restoient  acorde. 

279  En  la  curt  fut  lungement, 

280  *Dici  qun  assemblement, 

281  *j^  li  baron  a  la  curt  vindrent 

282  *^/  de  Ekenbright  lur  terre  tip- 
drent ; 


2JT,  ^Li  rots  forment  sesmerueilloit 

274  ^De  la  force  qen  lui  veoit. 

275  *Dis  des  plus  forz  de  sa  meson 

276  *Neurent  vers  li  nule  fuison  ; 


^^  In  G  no  special  gathering  at  this  time  at  Nicole  is  mentioned ;  in  /"  we 
read  of  a  king's  court  at  Nicole,  and  the  late  English  author  introduces  a  parlia- 
ment there.  ■ 

62  In  all  this  account  E  is  much  closer  to  F  than  to  G.  The  latter  states  that 
the  king  made  Havelok  his  juggler,  and  then  married  him  to  his  niece  to  shame 
her.     F  shows  how  Havelok  wrestled  before  the  knights,  and  how  the  king  him- 


^^ 


40 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

1076  For  so  i  wile  put  it  be. 

1077  King  Ape/zoa/^  me  dide  swere 

1078  Vpon  al  \t  messe-gere, 

1079  p^/ J'  shulde  his  doubter  yeue 

1080  \>e  hexte  \man\  \>at  mihte  Hue, 

108 1  \>e  beste,  \e  fairest,  \>e  strangest 
oh  ; 

1082  '^at  gart  he  me  sweren  on  \e  bok, 

1083  Hwere  mihte  i  finden  ani  so  hey 

1084  So  Hauelok  is,  or  so  sky? 

1085  ])ouh  y  souhte  he\en  in-to  Tnde, 

1086  Sofayr,  so  strong,  ne  mihte yfinde. 

1087  Hauelok  is  \2X  ilke  knaue 

1088  pat  shal  Goldeborw  haue.'^a 


1089  pis  ])ouhte  [he]  with  trechery, 

1090  With  traysoun,  and  with  felony  ; 

1 09 1  For  he  wende,  \d\.  Hauelok  wore 

1092  Sum  cherles  sone,  and  no  more; 
1097  He  wende,  ]?at  Hauelok  wer  a 

))ral,64 

(Goldborough  is  brought  to  Lin- 
coln, and  the  conversations  be- 
tween the  king  and  her,  and  be- 
tween the  king  and  Havelok,  are 
reported.  Both  refuse  to  marry 
and  are  forced  to  do  so  by  the 
king  with  threats.  The  wedding 
is  also  described.  )^5 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

354  '^**^uant  E  ken  bright  le  roi  fini, 

355  ^**En  ma  garde  sa  jille  mist, 

356  '^**yn  serement  iurer  me  fist 

357  ** * -^^  pl^^  fort  home  la  dorroie 

358  *<*^  el  reaume  trouer  porroie. 


359 
360 

361 

362 
363 
364 
365 

366  ** 

367  ** 

368  *' 

369  ** 

370  ** 


As  sex  ai  quis  et  demande, 
Tant  qen  ai  vn  fort  troue. 
Vn  valet  ai  en  ma  quisine 
A  qui  ieo  dorrai  la  me s chine. 
Cuaran  ad  cil  a  non. 
Li  dis  plus  fort  de  ma  maison 
Ne  se  poent  a  lui  tenir. 
Son  giu  ne  sa  liute  sufFrir. 
Veritez  est,  desqa  Rome 
De  corsage  nad  si  grant  home. 
Li  garder  voil  mon  serement, 
Ne  la  pus  doner  autrement." 


1 6 1  Purhoc  sil  estait  en  tel  despit, 

162  Venuz  esteit  de  gcntil  lit: 

163  E  si  li  reis  saparceust, 

1 64  Ne  quid  ke  ja  sa  nece  eust 


377   Sa  niece  lur  fet  amener. 


self  marvelled  at  his  strength.  After  the  assembly  at  court  where  the  barons  de- 
manded the  keeping  of  the  oath,  the  king  thought  of  Havelok  and  arranged  the 
marriage.  In  E  the  king  noticed  Havelok  in  the  games  at  the  time  of  the  parlia- 
ment held  at  Lincoln  ;  he  bethought  himself  of  his  oath  and  decided  that  Havelok 
should  marry  Argentille. 

63  Lines  1079-1  182  repeat  198-201  of  the  first  part  oi  E. 

^4  This  observation  of  the  author  of  E  is  not  unUke  that  in  G.  However,  the 
reflection  is  a  natural  one  to  make  on  such  a  situation,  and  it  might  perhaps  have 
occurred  to  the  author  of  F,  had  he  not  given  nearly  all  this  scene  as  conversation 
between  the  barons  and  the  king. 

^5  In  F  and  G  neither  these  interviews  nor  the  wedding  are  described. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


4» 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

1 1  7  5   He  weren  spused  fayre  and  wel. 

(Havelok  leaves  with  his  bride 
for  Grimsby  ^^  because  he  fears 
the  king  and   that : ) 

1 1 9 1  Men  sholde  don  his  leman  shame, 

1 1 92  Or  elles  bringen  in  wicke  blame  ; 
(They  hasten  on)  : 

1202  **  Til  he  komen  to  Grimes  by, 

1203  \>anne  he  komen  ])ere,  \anne  was 
Grim  ded, 

1 204  Of  him  ne  haueden  he  no  red  ; 

1205  But  hise  children  alle  fyue 

1 206  Alle  weren  yet  on  Hue  ;  ^7 

1247  On  |?e  niht,  als  Goldborw  lay, 

1 248  Sory  and  sorwful  was  she  ay, 

1 2  49  For  she  wende  she  were  bi  -swike, 
1250  pat  she  were  yeuen  un-kynde- 

like.^^ 

I  25  I  O  niht  saw  she  \er-inne  a  liht, 

1252  A  swij)e  fayr,  a  swi]7e  bryht, 

1253  Al  so  briht,  al  so  shir 

1254  So  it  were  a  blase  of  fir. 

1255  She  lokede  nor}),  and  ek  south, 

1256  And  saw  it  comen  ut  of  his  mouthy 

1257  pat  lay  bi  hire  in  J)e  bed  : 

1258  Noferlike  \ouh  she  were  adred!  ^ 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

378  Et  a  Cuaran  esposer; 

379  Pur  lui  auiler  et  honir 

380  La  fist  la  nuit  lez  lui  gisir. 


556  A  Grimesby  sen  alerent. 

557  *  Mes  li  prodoms  estoit  finiz 

558  E  la  dame  qis  out  nurriz. 

559  Kelloc  sa  fille  iont  trouee ; 

560  Vn  marchant  lout  esposee. 
1^7  La  nece  al  rei  se  compleigneit; 

188  Sovent  son  uncle  maldisseit, 

189  Ki  si  laveit  desherite, 

190  E  a  un  tel  horn  donee; 

43  5  Mult  out  del  sunge  grant  poour  ; 

436  Puis  out  greindre  de  son  seignur 


437  Pur  la  fiambe  qele  choisit 

438  ^  de  la  bouche  li  is  sit. 


66  In  F  and  G  the  story  of  the  vision  and  the  flame  precedes  the  departure  for 
Grimsby,  and  leads  to  it.  In  E  the  two  leave  for  Grimsby  because  they  fear  the 
king.      The  vision  and  the  light  are  mentioned  later. 

67  At  Grimsby  they  are  well  received,  but  there  is  no  suggestion  of  Havelok*s 
story  or  of  a  return  to  Denmark  as  yet.  That  night,  however,  there  comes  the 
supernatural  revelation  to  Goldborough.  In  F  and  E  note  that  Grim  is  now 
dead.      In  G  he  had  died  before  Havelok  left  home. 

68  Goldborough' s  sorrowful  attitude  is  commented  on  in  both  E  and  G.  Her 
feeling,  however,  is  more  bitter  in  G,  and  her  complaint  is  directed  against  her 
uncle  who  is  not  mentioned  in  E.  The  resemblance  is  not  close.  F  does  not 
make  any  such  observation  and  represents  Argentille  as  reconciled  to  Havelok 
almost  immediately.  There  is  a  difference  of  tone  in  the  three  poems  which 
makes  it  possible  for  E  and  G  to  record  an  observadon  which,  in  F,  would  be 
out  of  keeping  with  the  ideal  of  Argentille,  who  should  not  despise  Havelok 
whether  he  is  known  or  unknown  to  her. 

69  The  flame  is  partly  explained  in  E  by  the  cross  (the  **kynemerk")  and 
by  the  angel's  voice.  The  vision  is  seen  by  Havelok  and  not  by  Argentille,  as 
in  G  and  F,  The  vision  is  a  different  one  and  is  explained  by  Goldborough.  It 
serves  no  purpose.  In  G  and  F  the  vision  comes  first.  Argentille  awakens  in 
fright,  then  sees  the  flame  and  arouses  Havelok,  who  gives  an  unsatisfactory  ex- 


42 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

(After  the  light  she  perceives  the 
**kynemerk"  on  his  shoulder, 
and  hears  the  angel's  voice  tell 
her  that  Havelok  will  be  king  of 
Denmark  and  England.) 

1 2  66  For  Haueloky  \at  haue\  spuset  ]>e, 

1267  [Is]  kinges  sone  and  kinges  eyr  ; 

1 269  //  bikennethy  \at  he  shal 

1270  Dene  mark  hauen,  and  England  al; 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAR) 


441 
442 

443 


(Havelok  dreams  and  Goldbor- 
ough  interprets  the  dream,  advis- 
ing Havelok  to  take  Grim's  sons 
to  Denmark  with  him.  Havelok 
tells  his  tale  to  Kelloc  and  the 
others. )  7° 
440   '*  I  preie  you  )>at  ye  wende  with 

me. 

And  ich  may  mak  you  riche  men; 

Ilk  of  you  shal  haue  castles  ten. 

And  ))e  lond  Jjat  J)or-til  longes, 
444  Borwes,   tunes,   wodes  and 

wonges.'*  71 

(Ubbe  beholds  Havelok.) 
645   Hauelok  bi-held  he  swi\e  we  I, 

Hu  he  was  wel  of  bones  maked, 

Brod  in  \e  sholdres,  ful  wel 

schapedy 

])uke  in  \e  brest,  of  bodi  long; 
649  He  semede  wel  to  ben  wel  strong. 

659  *  Haueloky  haue  [)>^a]  \i  boney 

660  And y  ful  wel  rede  \e 

661  ptf/  \ou  comey  and  ete  with  me 


646 
647 

648 


519  *** 

520  *** 

521  *«« 

522  *** 

523  **« 

524  *" 

525  *" 

526  *" 

527  **' 

528  *" 

529  *" 


Bele,"  fet  il,  **ceo  qe  sunge  as 
De  ton  baron,  tu  le  verras. 
II  est  ne  de  real  lignage, 
Oncore  auera  grant  heritage. 
Grant  gent  fra  vers  li  encline, 
II  serra  roi  et  tu  reyne. 
Demande  li  qi  fut  son  piere, 
Et  sil  ad  sorour  ne  frere ; 
Puis  si  meint  en  lur  contree ; 
Iloec  orras  la  destinee 
Dont  ert  nez  et  dont  il  est. 


639  Argentine,  quant  ele  loit, 
641  A  eus  promet  foi  et  amur ; 
643    Grant  bien  lur  f era y  ceo  dit. 


739  Li  senescaus  ala  auant ; 

740  Vist  Haueloc  et  creu  et  grant, 

743  Gent  cors  et  bele  feturey 

744  Lungs  braz  et  grant  fur  cheure. 


745  Ententiuement  lesgarday 

655  ***  Haueloc  "  fet  il,  **  beaus  amis, 

657  ^**  En  son  chastel  va  herbergery 

658  **  Et  a  sa  table  va  manger y 


planation.  The  vision,  as  explained  by  the  hermit  in  Fy  gives  the  reason  for 
going  to  Grimsby.  In  E  the  idea  of  flame,  vision,  and  departure  is  kept,  but  the 
order,  circumstances,  and  relationship  of  the  three  are  changed,  and  other  matter 
is  introduced. 

70  In  G  and  F  it  is  Kelloc  who  tells  Havelok  to  go  to  Denmark  and  take  her 
brothers. 

71  A  leaf  containing  180  lines  is  lost,  and  in  the  next  passage  Havelok  goes  to 
Ubbe's  house  with  a  ring.      This  is  not  found  in  G  or  F. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


43 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

1662  To-day y  ]>ou,  and\ifayre  wify 

1663  pat  )>ou  louest  also  |>i  lif. 

1 664  And  haue  J)ou  of  hire  no  drede, 

1665  Shal  hire  no  man  shame  bede. 

1666  Bi  ))e  fey  y  owe  to  ]?e, 

1667  perof  shal  i  [miself]  borw  be.' 
(Havelok,  though  afraid  of  con- 
sequences, brings  Goldborough. 
Ubbe  loves  him.) 

1 7 1 4  Hwan  it  was  comen  time  to  <?/<?, 
1 7 1  5   Hise  wife  dede   Ubbe  sone  in 
fete, 

1 7 1 6  And  til  hire  seyde,  al  on  gamen  : 

1 7 1 7  *  Dame,  ]70u  and  Hauelok  shulen 
ete  samen, 

1 7 1 9  pat  is  so  fayr  so  flour  on  tre  ; 

1720  In  al  Denemark  is  wimman  [non] 

1 72 1  So  fayr  so  sche,  bi  seint  lohan  !  * 
(Then  follows  a  description  of  the 
meal.  Ubbe  sends  them  to  Ber- 
nard Brun  for  protection  until  the 
next  day.  Bernard  provides  a 
rich  supper  for  them,  and  at  that 
time  sixty-one  thieves  come  to 
attack  them.  A  description  of 
the  fray  follows.  All  sixty  assail- 
ants are  killed.    Ubbe  hears  of  it. ) 

1926  Sket  cam  tiding  in-til  Ubbe, 

1927  pat    Hauelok    hauede    with    a 
clubbe 

1928  Of  hise  slawen  sixti  and  on 

1929  Sergaunz,   \t  beste   ]?at  mihten 
gon. 

1930  *Deus! 'quoth  Ubbe,  *hwat  may 
j)is  be 

1 93  I  Betere  is  i  nime  miself  and  se 

1 942  He  lep  up  on  a  stede  liht, 

1943  And  with  him  mani  a  noble  kniht, 

1944  And  ferde  forth  un-to  \e  tun, 

1945  And  dide  calle  Bernard  Brun. 

(  He  asks  Bernard  for  an  explana- 
tion. Bernard  tells  of  Havelok 's 
valor  and  wounds.  Then  Ubbe 
takes  Havelok  home  and  places 
him  with  Goldborough  in  a  tower 
near  his  own  room. ) 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAr) 

660  ^**Tafemme  meine  ensemble  od  tei 

661  ***Assez  tost  te  demanderont, 

662  ***  Par  la  beaute  qen  lui  verront, 

663  *"Qui  tu  es,et  de  quiele  contree.  72 


677  '^Q^uant  fut  hour e  del  manger t 

678  *Et  qe  tuz  alerent  lauer, 

679  Li  prodoms  a  manger  sassist, 

680  *Les  iii.  valez  seeir  i  fist. 


7  3 1   *L/  senescaus  cheual  demande^ 

732  ^A  touz  ses  cheualers  comande 

733  ^Q^  od  It  augent  a  la  meslee. 


824  Et  el  chastel  lad  amene, 

825  Sa  femme  et  ses  compaignons. 
827   Mult  les  fist  bien  seruir. 


72  These  lines  are  from  the  directions  given  Havelok  by  the  merchant. 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

2090  \>e  Jirste  niht  he  lay  \er-inneyTi 

2091  Hise  tuify  and  \eK\  his  serganz 
\rinney 

2092  Aboute  ])e  middel  of  pe  niht 

2093  Wok  Ubbe,  and  saw  a  mikel  liht 

2094  In  )>e  bour  [j>er]  Hauelok  lay, 

2095  Also  briht  so  it  were  day. 

2096  '  Deus ! '  quoth  Ubbe, '  hwat  may 
])is  be? 

2097  Betere  is  i  ^o  miself,  and  see: 
(The  light  is  not  understood  until 
the  "kunrik"  denoting  his  king- 
ship is  seen. ) 

2 1 49  So  ]>at  he  knewen,  at  |>e  laste, 
21  50  pat  he  was  Birkabeynes  sone, 

2151  pat  was  here  king,  J)at  was  hem 
wone 

2152  Wei  to  yemen,  and  wel  were 

2153  Ageynes  uten-laddes  here. 
(Ubbe  tells  Havelok  he  shall  be 
king. ) 

2 1 90  On  \t  morwen,  hwan  it  was  liht, 

2192  Vbbe  dide  up-on  a  stede 

2193  A  ladde  lepe,  and  \ider  bede 

2194  ErleSy  barounsy  drengesy  theynesy 

2195  Klerkesy  knihtes,  bur  gey  Sy 
sweynesy 

2196  p/7/  he  sholden  comen  a-non 

2197  B  if  or  en  him  sone  euerilkon 
(Ubbe  summons  all  and  they 
come  as  he  bids.  He  tells  the 
Danish  part  of  Havelok's  story 
and  shows  the  heir  of  Denmark 
to  them. )  74 

2240  Lokesy  hware  he  stondes  her: 

2241  In  al  j>is  werd  ne  haues  he  per ; 

2242  [Is]  non  so  fayr,  ne  non  so  long, 

2243  Nenon  so  mikel,nenon  so  strong. 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

828   La  nuit  en  sa  chambre  gisir. 


837  Meismc  lure  quil  dormit 

838  De  sa  bouche  le  feu  issit. 


639  E  li  prodom  levat  del  lit; 

640  Quant  il  i  vint  la  flambe  vit 


841  Et  il  en  ad  Dieu  mercie, 

842  Qc  le  dreit  heir  ad  recouerc. 


843  *Ses  chapeleins  fet  demander; 

844  *Ses  briefs  escriure  et  enseeler, 

845  Par  ses  messages  les  mandoy 

846  Et  pur  ses  amis  enuoiay 

847  Pur  ses  homesy  pur  ses  parenz. 

848  Mult  i  assembla  granz  genz. 


910  *^  tuz  ensemble  le  mustra ; 

911  **  Seignurs,  purceo  vus  ai  mandez, 

912  **  Qe  Dieu  nus  ad  reuisitcz. 


73  Since  Ubbe  has  not  asked  Havelok  who  he  is,  the  light  and  the  cross  serve 
to  reveal  Havelok's  identity  to  him  and  do  not  merely  confirm  an  opinion  already 
conceived,  as  in  G  and  F.  E  is  nearer  to  G  in  that  Ubbe  goes  to  see  for  himself 
what  the  light  is.  In  G  Sygar  has  Havelok  watched  by  servants  but  goes  to 
verify  their  report  himself;  in  F  the  chamberlain  brings  the  report  to  Sygar  but 
the  latter  rejoices  without  going  to  see  for  himself. 

74  Havelok  tells  his  story  to  Sygar  in  the  French  poems.  The  bath,  robes, 
hatchet,  and  horn  episodes  are  lacking  in  E, 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


45 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

2  2  46   Bes  of  him  ful  glad  and  bli^e, 

2247  And  cometh  alle  hider  swi|?e, 

2248  Manrede  youre  louerd  forto 
make, 

2250  /  shal  mi-self  do  first  ]>e  gamen, 

2251  And  ye  si))en  alle  samen.' 

2252  O  hues  ful  fayre  he  him  sette^ 

2253  Mouhte  noj^ing  him  |)er-fro  lette, 

2254  And  bi-cam  his  man  riht  ]>are, 

2255  pat  alle  sawen  Tpat  ]?ere  ware. 

2256  After  him  stirt  up  laddes  ten, 

2257  And  bi-comen  hise  men ; 

2258  And  si\en  euerilk  a  baroun 

2259  ]>at  euere  weren  in  a  I  that  toun; 

2260  And  si\en  drengesy  and  si\en 
thaynes, 

2262  So  pat,  or  .))at  day  was  gon, 

2263  In  all  ])e  tun  ne  was  nouht  on 

2264  pat  [he]  ne  was  his  man  bi-comen: 

2265  Manrede    of    alle     hauede     he 
nomen. 

2268  Grundlike  dide  he  hem  swere 

2269  pat  he  him  sholden  god  fey  th  here 

2270  Ageynes  alle  )>at  woren  on  Hue  ; 

2271  per-yen  ne  wolde  neuer  on  striae, 

2272  ptf/  he  ne  maden  sone  ]>at  oth, 

2273  Riche  and  pourey  lef  and  lothy  75 

2312  Hwan  he  hauede  manrede  and  oth 

2313  Taken  of  lef  and  [ekj  of  loth, 

2314  Vbbe  dubbede  him  to  kniht^^ 

2315  With  a  swerd  ful  swi)?e  briht ; 
(Then  follow  rejoicing,    games, 
gleemen,   and   a  feast.       Grim's 
sons  are  knighted  also. )  77 

2354  Hwan  J)at  feste  was  al  don, 

2355  A  thusand  knihtes  wel  o  bon 

2356  With-held  J)e  king,  with  him  to 
lede; 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

913  **  Feez  ci  nostre  dreit  heir ; 

914  *  *  *  Bien  en  deuom  grant  ioie  aueir.  * ' 


9 1  5  Tut  primer ain  se  desafubla, 

9 1 6  Pardeuant  lui  sagenuilla  ; 

9 1  7  Sis  homs  deuinty  si  li  iura 

918  Qe  leaument  le  seruira 

919  Li  autre  sont  apres  ale, 

92 1  Tuit  si  home  sont  deuenu. 

922  Puis  quil  li  eurent  receu, 

923  La  nouele  fut  recontee  : 

925  De  totes  parz  i  accurroient, 

926  Et  riche  et  pouere,  qui  loeient, 

927  De  lui  firent  lur  auowe. 


925  De  totes  parz  i  accurroient, 

926  Et  riche  et  pouere,  qui  loient, 

927  De  lui  firent  lur  auowe. 

928  ^A  cheualer  lont  adubbe, 

(Gaimar  mentions  a  feast  after  the 
battle,  1.  757.) 


75  This  whole  passage  (2240-2273)  is  much  closer  to  F  than  to  G.  Gaimar 
has  merely  (727-734)  :  Tuz  ses  homes  ad  done  mande  :  Lores  li  firent  felte. 
II  meismes  sagenulla,  De  fai  tenir  laseura.  Puis  enveia  pur  les  barons.  A  ki  eel 
reis  aveit  tencons.  Tuz  sunt  ses  homes  devenuz,  E  a  seignur  lunt  receuz.  This 
passage  in  E  is  like  that  of  Fy  which  is,  however,  more  detailed. 

76  This  is  an  important  point  of  resemblance  between  E  and  Fy  since  G  does 
not  mention  the  knighting  of  Havelok. 

77  Neither  G  nor  F  mentions  a  feast  in  just  this  connection,  though  G  mentions 
one  after  the  battle  (757). 


46 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

2360  With  hem  [ek]  fiue  thusand  gode 

2361  Sergaunz,  )?at  weren  to  fyhten 
wode, 

2370  Half  hundred  knihtcs  dcdc  he 
calle, 

2371  And  hise  fif  thusand  sergaunz 
alle. 

(  Robert,  Havelok's  foster  brother, 
meets  Godard  and  calls  him  traitor 
and  **caynard."  Godard  takes 
a  knife  and  smites  him  through 
the  right  arm.  His  men  come  to 
the  rescue  and  are  killed  by  Have- 
lok's men.  Godard  is  bound  and 
taken  to  Havelok.  The  traitor  is 
then  duly  sentenced,  flayed,drawn 
and  hanged.)  78 

2512  panne  he  was  ded,  }>at  Sathanas, 

2513  Sket  was  seysed  al  ))at  his  was 

2514  In  ]>e  kinges  hand  ilk  del, 

2515  Lond  and  lith,  and  o]?er  catel, 
(Havelok  leaves  the  land  in 
Ubbe's  keeping,  and  vows  a 
monastery  to  Grim.  Godrich  in 
England  hears  that  Havelok  is 
ruler  of  Denmark  and  is  coming 
with  an  army.)  79 

2548  He  dide  sone  ferd  ut  \bede^ 

2  5  49  p/7/  al  \at  euere  mouhte  0  stede 

2550  Ride,  J)or  helm  on  heued  bere, 

2551  Brini  on  bac,  and  sheld  and  spere. 


(FRENCH   LAY GAIMAR) 

929  Tant  li  aida  le  senescal, 
931    Qe  merveillous  ost  assembla. 

737  •     •     •     •     dcs  chevalers 

738  Ourent  il  bien  trente  n^illers. 


96 1  *Haueloc  fut  de  grant  vertu  ; 

962  *Le  roi  Hodulf  ad  si  fern 

963  *Dune  hache  qil  apporta, 

964  *Quil  labatit,  puis  ne  leua, 

965  *Iloec  loccist  deuant  sa  gent. 


971  *Apres  cest  fet  ad  receu 

972  *Le  regne  qa  son  piere  fli 

973  *Par  la  terre  bone  pees  mist, 


1023  '^Dedenx  le  tour  qil  eurent  pris, 

1024  *Alsi  manda  ses  amis 

1025  *£/  toux  ceus  quil pout  aueir  ; 


78  F  and  G  differ  in  the  story  of  the  battle.  Gaimar  states  that  the  enemies 
fought  and  that  Hodulf  was  conquered.  In  F  a  hand  to  hand  contest  between 
Hodulf  and  Havelok  is  described,  Hodulf  was  killed  in  the  sight  of  his  people. 
E  is  closer  to  F  in  this  latter  detail  and  also  in  the  former,  for,  changed  and  popu- 
larized as  is  the  whole  account,  there  is  still  more  reflection  of  the  hand  to  hand 
contest  in  the  struggle  between  Godard  and  Robert  than  of  the  regular  battle  of 
Gaimar's  description.  There  is  a  general  fight  between  Havelok's  and  Hodulf's 
men  at  the  end  of  the  contest,  but  this  is  no  regular  battle.  The  tone  of  the  de- 
scription is  different  and  Robert  challenges  Hodulf  by  calling  him  names,  whereas 
Havelok  calls  him  to  fight  to  spare  the  **menue  gent." 

79  Notice  that  in  F  and  G  Havelok  receives  his  father's  kingdom.  In  E  he 
receives  all  the  personal  possessions  of  Hodulf  as  well.  It  is  on  this  occasion  that 
the  feast  of  G  is  mentioned  (756),  De  lui  firent  seignur  e  reis.  Grant  feste  tint, 
e  grant  baldoire.  In  G  as  in  £"  the  expedition  to  England  seems  to  follow  imme- 
diately. In  F  the  peace  is  described,  and  after  four  years  Argentille  commands 
Havelok  to  reconquer  her  kingdom. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


47 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

2552  Or  ani  oJ>er  wepne  here, 

2553  Hand-ax,  syj)e,  gisarm,  orspere, 

2554  Or  aunlaz,  and   [ful]   god  long 
knif, 

2555  paf,  als  he  louede  leme  or  lif, 

2556  ])ey  sh olden  comen  [a//e]  him  to- 

2558  To  Lincolney  per  he  lay^ 

2559  Of  Marz  Jje  seuentenj?e  day.2° 
(After  the  separate  deeds  of 
Roberd,  Huwe,  and  Ubbe  have 
been  described,  Havelok  addresses 
Godrich  and  promises  him  for- 
giveness if  he  will  yield  up  her 
rightful  inheritance  to  Argentille. 
Godrich  refuses.  Havelok  fights 
him,  conquers  and  binds  him, 
and  sends  him  to  the  queen  for 
custody  until  the  knights  shall 
pass  judgment  on  him. )  ^^ 

2766  pan  J)e  EngHshe  men  J)at  sawe, 

2767  pat  pei  wisten,  heye  and  lawe, 

2768  pat  Goldeboru,  })at  was  so  fayr, 

2769  Was  of  Engeland  riht  eyr, 

2770  And    })at   ])e   king   hire   hauede 
wedded, 

2771  And  haueden    [he]    ben  samen 
bedded, 

2772  He  comen  alle,  to  crie  merci, 

2773  Vnto  |)e  king,  at  one  cri, 

2774  And  beden  him  sone  manrede 
and  oth, 

2775  pat  he  ne  sholden,  for  lef  ne  loth 

2776  Neuere  more  ageyn  him  go. 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAr) 

1026  ^Nul  ni  less  a  remaneir. 

1027  ^A  Theford  les  ostz  assemblerent 


1083  Tote  sa  terre  li  rendit 

1084  Que  Ekenbright  tint  tant  come 
il  vesquit. 


965 


deuant  sa  gent. 


966  Qe  touz  li  crient  hautement, 

967  **Sire,  merci,  qe  ni  moroms, 

968  **  Car  volenters  te  seruiroms.*' 

969  Cil  se  sont  a  lui  tourne, 

970  Et  il  lur  ad  tut  pardone.^^ 


^°In  the  French  versions  Godrich  is  challenged  by  Havelok.  Although 
Gaimar  indicates  that  Edelsi  assembled  a  host  (764-770),  the  longer  description 
is  given  in  the  Lay.  In  this  respect  E  is  closer  to  F.  In  G  no  place  or  time 
is  mentioned  for  the  assembly  ;  in  i^  an  indefinite  time  and  a  definite  place, 
Theford;  in   ^  a  definite  time  and  place,   Lincoln,   the  17th  of  March. 

^^  This  single  combat  is  found  neither  in  G  nor  in  F.      It  may  be,  however, 
a  reflection  of  Havelok' s  single  combat  with  Hodulf      In  both  French  stories   \ 
Edelsi  makes  peace  and  is  forgiven  on  yielding  up  the  kingdom.      Perhaps  this  is  >• 
reflected  in  Ey  where  Havelok  offers  to  forgive  Godrich  if  he  will  surrender  the  3 
kingdom. 

^2  In  F  and  G  the  mention  of  forgiveness  is  made  in  connection  with  the 
Danish  subjects  and  not  the  English.  The  peaceful  ending  of  the  affairs  in  Eng- 
land in  both  versions,  however,  allows  this  forgiveness  to  be  understood. 


48 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


(ENGLISH   lay) 

(The  earls  bring  in  Goldborough, 
and  the  English  fall  on  their  knees 
and  confess  their  fault,  saying  :  ) 

2800  For  Englond  auhte  forto  ben 

2801  Youres,  and  we  youre  men. 

2802  Is  non  of  us,  [ne]  yung  ne  old, 

2803  pat  [he]  ne  wot,  ^at  A)?elwold 

2804  Was  king  of  [al]  ^is  kunerike, 

2805  And  ye  his  eyr. 

(Godrich  is  condemned  and 
burned. 83  Grim's  daughters  are 
married  to  earls,  and  Bertram  the 
cook  is  rewarded.  Then  follows 
the  coronation  feast  of  forty  days 
in  London.)  ^4 

2942  per-after  sone,  with  his  here, 

2943  For  he  to  Lundone,  forto  here 

2944  Coruney  so  pat  [alle\  it  sawe. 

2948  ])e  feste  of  his  coruning 

2949  Lastede  with  gret  ioying 

2950  Fourti  dawes,  and  sumdel  mo. 
(Havelok  reigns  sixty  years.  The 
French  versions  end  here  with  no 
mention  of  Havelok's  children.) 


(FRENCH  LAY GAIMAR) 


093  II  nout  nul  heir  si  droiturel 

094  Come  Haueloc  et  sa  muiller. 


1087  Mes  Haueloc  safeste  tint 

1088  A  la  cite  quant  il  vint ; 


099  XX.  anz  regna,  si  en  fut  rois.^s 


This  comparison   shows   that   the   resemblances   to    Gaimar 
alone  are  as  follows : 

1.  An  enumeration  of  the  fishes  which  Grim  caught.     (^,  751-759  ;  G,  445— 

446.) 

2.  A  comment  on  the  king's  ignorance  of  Havelok's  real  position.    (£,  1089— 

1097 ;    G,  161-164.) 

3.  An  observation  of  Argentine's  on  her  unhappy  situation.    (^,  1 247-1  250  ; 

G,  187-190.) 

4.  The  fact  that  Ubbe  himself  goes  to  investigate  the  light  that  came  from 

Havelok,  as  Sygar  does  in  Gaimar.      (^,  2096-2097;   G,  639-640.) 

5.  The  mention  of  a  feast  in  Denmark. 


83  The  punishment  of  Godrich  forms  a  pendant  to  Godard's  fate.      In  the 
I      French  poems  Edelsi  dies  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight. 

84  A  feast  is  spoken  of  in  F  (1087)  and  in  G  (806)  :  Rei  Haveloc  la  tin  sa 
feste.  La  is  indefinite.  In  the  preceding  lines  Gaimar  speaks  of  the  kingdom's 
extending  from  Hoiland  to  Colecestre ;  in  /^  it  is  la  cite;  in  £,  Lundone, 

85  Also  in  G  (817),  Vint  anz  fud  reis. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  49 

6.  The  placing  of  the  expedition  to  England  directly  after  the  conquest  of 

Denmark.      (In  F  four  years  elapsed.) 

7.  The  coincidence  in  the  order  in  which  events  are  narrated  in  the  poem, 

those  of  England  preceding  those  of  Denmark. 


The  enumeration  of  fishes  does  not  prove  a  direct  relation 
between  E  and  G,  for  the  list  might  have  been  in  F's  original 
too,  and  reflected  in  F  by  the  line  Asez  nos  trova  a  manger,  or 
by  some  such  remark  in  F;  or  F's  source  might  have  been  in- 
dependently expanded  to  an  enumeration  by  the  authors  of  G 
and  E.  The  author  of  E  was  especially  fond  of  naming  articles 
of  food,  and  as  Skeat^^  says,  quoting  Madden:  "The  list  of 
fishes  here  enumerated  may  be  increased  from  line  189,  and 
presents  us  with  a  sufficiently  accurate  notion  of  the  different 
species  eaten  in  the  thirteenth  century."  Gaimar  in  his  list  of 
six  gives  two  not  in  E,  whereas  in  E  many  others  are  added. 
The  enumeration  may  have  been  in  a  source  common  to  all 
versions,  but  may  also  have  been  condensed  in  F  and  expanded 
directly  from  F  in  E,  without  any  reference  to  Gaimar  or 
Gaimar's  source. 

2. 
It  seems  impossible  to  decide  whether  the  passages  referring 
to  the  king's  ignorance  of  Havelok's  rank  are  derived  from  a 
passage  in  the  originals  of  G  and  E,  or  whether  the  authors  in- 
dependently made  these  casual  observations  on  existing  condi- 
tions. The  actual  remarks  differ.  In  E  the  king  made  his  plan 
treacherously,  for  he  believed  Havelok  to  be  some  churl's  son. 
In  G,  although  Havelok  was  in  such  a  plight,  he  was  really  of 
noble  birth;  if  the  king  had  known  this  he  would  not  have 
given  him  his  niece. 

3-  ' 

The  references  to  Argentine's  unhappiness  after  her  marriage 
may  also  have  been  made  independently  and  casually  by  the 
two  authors.  The  lines  are  not  alike.  In  E  she  lay  awake  and 
grieved  that  she  was  so  betrayed.  In  G  she  went  to  the  king 
and  complained  often :  son  uncle  maldisseit. 

86  Ed.  1902,  p.  1 1 1. 


50  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

4- 
The  fact  that  Ubbe  in  E  and  Sygar  in  G  go  in  person  to 
see  this  light  seems  significant.  But  an  examination  of  the  ac- 
counts makes  it  seem  less  so.  In  G  and  F  the  circumstances 
are  similar.  Sygar  suspects  Havelok's  origin  and  has  him 
watched.  His  servants  in  G,  the  chamberlain  in  F\  come  to 
tell  him  of  the  flame.  In  G  Sygar  goes  to  see  for  himself,  in 
the  more  courtly  poem,  F,  he  merely  gives  expression  to  his 
joy.  A  quite  diflPerent  version  is  found  in  E.  Ubbe  does  not 
know  who  Havelok  is,  and,  sleeping  in  a  room  near  him,  he  is 
awakened  by  a  bright  light.  He  thinks  Havelok  must  be 
revelling,  and  goes  to  see.  Looking  through  a  hole  in  a  board, 
he  sees  a  bright  flame  coming  from  both  Havelok  and  Gold- 
borough.  Then  he  calls  his  knights  and  men  to  come  and  see 
what  the  wonder  is.  They  all  see  the  cross  on  Havelok's 
shoulder  and  know  that  he  is  Birkabeyn's  son.  Surely  the 
popularizing  of  the  incident,  the  exaggeration  of  the  brightness 
of  the  flame,  and  the  stressing  of  Ubbe's  astonishment  give 
enough  motive  for  his  going  himself  to  see  the  light,  whatever 
the  original  of  this  freely  developed  scene  may  have  been.  The 
description  in  E  contains,  moreover,  new  details  of  obviously 
late  origin,  such  as  the  flame  which  comes  forth  from  both,  and 
which  is  brighter  than  one  hundred  and  seven  candles,  and  the 
cross  which  is  needed  to  explain  the  flame. 

5; 
The  feast  in  Denmark,  mentioned  in  G  and  E,  is  not  found 
in  quite  the  same  position  in  the  two  versions.  In  £  the  feast 
comes  before  the  battle  and  is  a  kind  of  coronation  feast.  In 
G  it  follows  the  battle.  One  cannot  be  sure  that  the  feast  was 
mentioned  in  the  source  of  £.  It  may  have  been  introduced 
simply  to  duplicate  the  coronation  feast  of  England  (2344), 
since  events  in  England  and  Denmark  have  been  made  to  cor- 
respond in  other  respects.  Like  the  latter  celebration,  it  lasts 
forty  days.  The  author  of  E  introduced  feasts  and  meals  on 
all  possible  occasions.  (Cf  641-656,  922-926,  17 14-173 5, 
1762-1766,  2339-2345.) 

6. 
The  fact  that  the  expedition  to  England  immediately  followed 
the  peace  in   Denmark  is  not  important.     The  author  of  the 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  51 

Lay  probably  invented  the  delay,  since  in  G  it  is  not  noted. 
Even  had  the  English  author  had  F  before  him  he  could  have 
omitted  the  four  years'  delay,  there  being  no  reason  for  keeping 
it.  \n  F  it  is  unnecessary,  but  serves  to  make  more  emphatic 
the  influence  of  Argentille,  who  moves  Havelok  to  go  to 
England.  Note  also  that  in  G  Havelok  waits  for  a  good  wind 
in  Grimsby ;  in  i^  he  sails  immediately  for  Denmark. 

No  one  of  these  arguments  seems  sufficient  to  prove  a  defin- 
ite relationship  between  G  and  E  or  their  sources,  since  the 
details  seem  in  each  case  casual  and  natural. 

^  7- 

This  last  point  of  similarity  —  the  similar  order  in  the  narra- 
tion of  events  —  has  already  been  touched  upon  in  Chapter  11,^^ 
where  it  was  noted  that  two  out  of  the  four  Havelok  versions 
must  have  changed  the  original  order  of  the  story,  since  two 
open  with  England  and  two  with  the  story  in  Denmark.  It 
seems  significant  that  E  corresponds  to  G  in  this  particular,  and 
although  the  theory  of  derivation  from  a  common  source  appears 
to  be  a  somewhat  simpler  explanation  of  the  case  than  any 
other,  we  see  that,  even  according  to  that  theory,  not  every 
author,  in  telling  his  story  of  Havelok,  followed  exactly  the 
order  which  he  found  in  his  source.  Furthermore  the  change 
was  a  simple  one,  involving  no  internal  alteration  or  adjustment 
in  the  passage  which  could  have  been  merely  shifted  to  another 
part  of  the  poem.  The  transition  from  the  English  to  the 
Danish  part  of  the  story  was  indicated  by  the  following  words, 
which  practically  separated  the  passage  and  made  it  easily  trans- 
ferable : 

Of  Goldeboru  shul  we  nou  laten. 

Say  we  nou  forth  in  ure  spelle  ! 

In  |>at  time  so  it  befelle, 

Was  in  }?e  lond  of  Denemark,  etc. 

It  seems  therefore  that  this  point,  although  more  important 
than  the  other  more  casual  resemblances,  is  not  compelling 
evidence  for  the  independence  of  the  English  Lay. 

Turning  now  to  a  comparison  between  E  and  F,  we  note 
the  following  points : 
87  pp.  13-15. 


52  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

I.  The  outline  of  the  story  corresponds  much  more  closely 
to  F  than  to  G. 


2.  The  following  passages  offer  some  resemblances  to  each 
other,  sometimes  significant  and  sometimes  as  casual  as 
the  resemblances  already  noted  between  E  and  G. 


(a)    I  lo-i  1 6.      The  king's  daughter  and  his  illness. 

(^)    189-203.      The  oath. 

(c)   280.      The  daughter  thrives. 

(^)  706—716.  The  preparation  of  the  boat  and  the  embarcation  of  Grim*s 
family. 

(e)  725.  In  F  and  E  Grim  arrives  in  England  by  chance;  in  G  Grim  sails 
for  Lindeseie. 

(/)  734"  ^*  ^^  Lindeseye,  riht  at  ]>e  north  ende ;  F,  Ceo  fut  el  North,  a 
Grimesbi. 

(i)   743~74^'      Explanation  of  the  naming  of  Grimsby,  lacking  in  G. 

(/&)  839-859.  The  departure  from  Grimsby  is  different  from  that  of  G, 
and  corresponds  in  the  main  to  that  of  F,  although  the  tone  of  the  description  is 
entirely  changed  and  coarsened. 

(/)   895.      The  w^ eight  he  could  lift. 

(y)   912—919,  932.      Enumeration  of  his  duties.     Very  close  to  F. 

(i)   947.      Glad  and  bli}>e,  £;  franc  et  deboneire,  F. 

(/)  979-981,  1001-1003.  The  assembly  at  Lincoln.  Gaimar  mentions 
no  special  gathering  at  this  time  at  Lincoln.  F  contains  a  reference  to  the  king's 
court  gathered  there,  with  chevaliers  and  barons,  and  in  E  we  read  of  a  parlia- 
ment with  all  the  earls. 

(m)  107 1— 1072.  In  E  Havelok's  strength  is  stressed,  and  this  strength 
suggested  to  the  king  the  way  to  keep  his  oath  and  retain  England  too.  Cf.  F. 
G  has  merely  the  statement  that  the  king  made  Havelok  his  juggler,  although 
elsewhere  reference  is  made  to  his  strength  (113— 120). 

(;7)    1077-1088.      Description  of  the  oath  again. 

(0)  1 266-1 270.  E  is  again  closer  to  F  in  that  the  information  furnished 
Argentine  by  the  hermit  is  the  same  as  that  given  Goldborough  by  the  angel.  In 
G  Havelok's  own  explanation  of  the  dream  is  the  only  one  given. 

(/>)  1659— 1662.  Ubbe's  invitation  to  Havelok  is  in  the  same  words  used 
by  the  merchants  in  giving  Havelok  directions. 

(^)    I  714.      Time  of  eating  in  F  and  E. 

(r)    1942— 1944.      The  seneschal  with  his  knights  goes  to  the  fight. 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY 


53 


(j)    2246.      The  joy  is  stressed. 

(/)    2252-2253.      The  order  in  which  homage  is  done  Havelok. 

(2^)    2314.      Havelok  is  dubbed  knight. 

(2/)    2548—2558.      The  king  commands  his  friends  to  assemble. 

3.  In  many  passages,  where  E  is  essentially  different  from  F 
and  G,  F  seems  to  represent  a  transitional  form  of  the 
story  between  the  simple  form  of  G  and  the  changed 
form  of  E.  Compare  for  instance  the  following  epi- 
sodes : 

(/7)   Argentine's  Story. 


Edelsi  and  Adelbrict  are 
kings  of  two  parts  of  Eng- 
land, and  brothers-in-law. 
Adelbrict  dies  leaving  a 
queen  and  a  daughter  Ar- 
gentine. His  queen  goes 
to  her  brother  Edelsi  and 
gives  Argentine  and  the 
kingdom  into  his  charge. 
She  dies.  Edelsi  to  keep 
the  kingdom  marries  Ar- 
gentine to  his  cook  Cuaran, 
whom  he  has  noticed  and 
made  his  juggler. 


Alsi  and  Edelbright  are 
kings  of  two  parts  of  Eng- 
land, and  brothers-in-law. 
Edelbright  feels  that  he  is 
to  die,  and  sends  for  Alsi 
and  puts  in  his  care  Argen- 
tine and  the  queen,  making 
him  take  an  oath  to  guard 
Argentine  until  she  is  of 
age,  and  then  to  marry  her 
to  the  strongest  man  and 
restore  the  kingdom  to  her. 
The  queen  dies.  Alsi  keeps 
the  kingdom ;  the  barons 
assemble  to  make  him  keep 
his  vow  ;  he  remembers 
Cuaran,  whose  strength 
has  impressed  him,  and 
this  Cuaran  he  marries  to 
Argentine.  (  Havelok' s 
story  had  already  been 
told.) 


Athelwold  is  king  of  all 
England  ;  he  becomes  ill, 
and  sends  for  his  earls  to 
choose  the  best  guardian 
for  the  kingdom ;  they 
choose  Godrich.  He  is 
made  to  swear  that  he  will 
take  care  of  Goldborough 
and  marry  her  to  the 
strongest  man  he  can  find. 
Athelwold  dies.  Godrich 
shuts  Goldborough  up  in 
a  tower  and  starves  her. 
Then  fonows  the  story  of 
Havelok. 


G  and  F  seem  to  have  the  original  form  of  the  story  with  the 
two  kings.  G  appears  to  have  the  primitive  conception  in  these 
early  events  of  this  narrative,  for  the  queen  plays  an  active  part 
in  it.  She  takes  Argentille  and  goes  to  her  brother.  In  F  the 
guardianship  idea  is  introduced  and  the  queen  is  only  mentioned. 
Alsi  takes  the  oath  to  protect  Argentille  and  marry  her  to  the 
strongest  man,  Veiant  sa  gent  (218).  This  scene  is  further  devel- 
oped in  E  where  the  assembly  of  nobles  chooses  the  guardian. 


54 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


Gunter  is  killed  by  trea- 
son of  Hodulf.  Hodulf  is 
left  in  charge  of  Denmark. 
The  queen  of  Gunter  fears 
and  flees  with  Havelok  to 
Grim,  the  fisherman,  who 
saves  them  in  his  boat. 
The  queen  is  killed  by 
pirates.  The  rest  land  in 
England.  Grim  supports 
them  by  fishing.  When 
he  dies,  Havelok  leaves 
Grimsby  and  goes  to  Ed- 
elsi's  court. 


{b)   Havelok's  Story. 
F 

Gunter  before  battle  en- 
trusts the  queen  and  Have- 
lok to  the  guardianship  of 
Baron  Grim.  After  the 
death  of  the  king.  Grim, 
fearing  for  them,  leaves 
the  strong  castle  and  takes 
them  in  a  boat  on  the  sea. 
Pirates  kill  the  queen. 
They  land  in  England. 
Grim  supports  them  by 
fishing.  A  town  grows 
up  named  Grimsby  for 
Grim.  Distressed  at  the 
surroundings  of  Havelok, 
Grim  sends  him  to  court 
to  seek  his  fortune  and  pro- 
vides him  with  clothes. 


Birkabeyn  of  Denmark 
had  three  children.  About 
to  die,  he  summons  his 
barons  to  choose  a  guar- 
dian. Godard,  when  cho- 
sen, takes  an  oath  to  pro- 
tect them  and  to  give 
Havelok  the  kingdom.  He 
shuts  them  in  a  tower,  kills 
the  girls  and  gives  Havelok 
to  Grim  to  drown.  Grim 
saves  the  boy  because  of 
the  light  and  the  cross 
which  reveal  his  royal 
birth.  When  Godard  re- 
fuses the  reward  promised 
Grim,  the  latter  with 
Havelok  and  his  own 
family  flees  from  him  to 
the  sea.  Grim  lands  in 
England.  A  town  grows 
up  where  he  lives  which 
is  named  for  him ;  he 
supports  his  family  by  fish- 
ing. Famine  comes ;  there 
are  no  fish.  Grim  calls 
Havelok  and  sends  him 
to  Lincoln  to  work.  He 
makes  him  clothes  from  a 
sail. 


The  same  point  just  discussed  with  reference  to  the  queen, 
Adelbright's  wife,  is  illustrated  again  in  this  passage,  where  the 
queen's  part  is  even  more  active.  She  fears,  and,  taking  Have- 
lok, flees  and  finds  Grim.  The  guardianship  here  introduced 
by  the  author  of  F  is  even  more  clearly  his  own  invention  than 
is  the  guardianship  of  Argentille,  for  we  know  he  made  Grim 
a  baron  (from  the  poor  fisherman  of  the  legend)  in  order  to 
make  him  a  fit  guardian.  He  changed  the  tone  of  the  poem, 
and  the  estate  of  Grim.  Is  it  not  more  likely  that  he  introduced 
the  courtly  idea  of  a  guardian  for  the  queen  and  Havelok  than 
that  Gaimar  dropped  the  mention  of  a  guardian  and  invented 
the  queen's  own  act?  There  is  a  duplication  in  G,  h\  and  E, 
The  two  queens  in  G  correspond.    \n  F  the  two  guardians  are 


KUPFERSCHMIDT'S  STUDY  55 

similarly  appointed  but  differ  in  their  efficiency,  one  being  good 
and  one  bad.  In  £  a  further  deviation  in  the  story  is  intro- 
duced and  the  guardianship  is  made  to  duplicate  that  of  God- 
rich  in  England.  Godard  is  appointed  in  the  same  manner, 
takes  the  oath  in  the  same  way,  and  is  in  reality  the  arch  traitor 
(Hodulf  of  the  French  versions)  in  the  role  of  guardian,  which 
Grim  represents  in  the  Lay.  In  this  connection  the  substitu- 
tion and  duplication  make  evident  the  artificiality  and  the  lack 
of  primitive  traits  in  both  F  and  E.  The  primitive  character 
conjectured  for  Gaimar's  story  seems  attested  by  a  comparison 
with  those  versions,  and  also  the  intermediate,  transitional  char- 
acter of  F  is  shown.  Furthermore,  the  description  of  the  de- 
parture from  Grimsby,  to  which  frequent  reference  has  been 
made  in  Chapter  II,  seems  especially  to  bear  witness  to  the  same 
process  of  development  from  G  to  F  and  from  F  to  E.  In  the 
light  of  what  has  already  been  seen  of  the  three  versions,  does 
it  not  seem  probable  that  Gaimar  reported  the  points  of  the  tale 
unchanged,  when  he  noted  that  after  Grim  died  Havelok  left 
Grimsby  and  appeared  at  Edelsi's  court  ^  The  author  of  the 
Lai  d'Have/oCy  desiring  a  more  chivalrous  scene,  and  one  more 
in  keeping  with  the  traditional  departure  of  a  knight,  might 
easily  have  introduced  the  episode,  and  in  so  doing  made  Have- 
lok leave  Grimsby  during  the  lifetime  of  Grim.  Grim  called 
Havelok,  gave  him  counsel  and  presented  him  with  clothes. 
This  change  is  in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  Lay.  The  writer 
of  the  English  poem,  however,  composed  his  work  for  a  differ- 
ent audience,  and  the  tone  of  this  episode  in  the  English  Lay 
is  therefore  altogether  different.  Although  the  courtly,  refined 
traits  of  F  are  lost  or  coarsened  in  E,  the  general  outlines  of 
the  episode  of  E'  are  paralleled.  Havelok  leaves  home  during 
Grim's  lifetime ;  Grim  calls  him,  gives  him  advice  as  he  sends 
him  to  Lincoln  to  seek  work,  and  makes  him  clothes.  May 
not  the  passage  of  F  perhaps  in  a  later  and  much  modified 
form  have  suggested  the  scene  developed  in  E^ 

What  conclusions  does  our  detailed  study  of  the  versions 
lead  us  to  P  Are  the  slight  and  rather  casual  resemblances  be- 
tween G  and  E,  and  the  fact  that  they  both  begin  with  the 
English  part  of  the  story,  sufficient  evidence  to  show  that  G, 
F,  and  E  emanated  from  a  common  source?  Or,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  the  more  numerous  and  often  more  definite  resem- 


56  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

blances  between  F  and  E,  the  closer  correspondence  of  their 
stories  in  general  outline,  and  the  seemingly  transitional  char- 
acter of  F  when  considered  with  G  and  E  in  certain  episodes, 
enough  to  show  influence  of  F  on  E,  whether  that  influence 
was  exerted  directly  or  indirectly,  late  or  early  in  the  develop- 
ment of  E  ? 

A  number  of  possibilities  present  themselves  for  investiga- 
tion, such  as  the  following:  Was  Kupferschmidt*s  supposition 
the  correct  one  after  all,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  did  not 
off^er  adequate  proof  of  it?  Was,  on  the  other  hand,  the  French 
Lay  directly  or  indirectly  the  source  of  E  ?  Was  there  perhaps 
a  later  work  related  to  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  as  the  romance  of 
Galeran  to  the  Lay  of  Le  Fraisne  ?  and  did  the  author  of  E 
know  it  ?  Or,  could  a  chronicle  account  which  contained  the 
story  in  which  traits  of  G  and  F  were  already  blended  have 
served  as  the  basis  of  £? 

Fortunately  our  study  does  not  have  to  wait  for  the  solution 
of  the  question  of  the  source  of  the  English  Lay.  Unless  proof 
is  offered  concerning  the  source  of  £,  we  are  no  longer  ham- 
pered in  the  consideration  of  the  relationship  of  F'  and  G,  and 
the  problem  of  the  origin  and  relationship  of  the  various  ver- 
sions of  Havelok  may  be  approached  as  well  from  the  French 
as  from  the  English  side.  Moreover,  if  definite  knowledge  of 
the  sources  of  F  and  G  can  be  gained,  the  problems  of  the 
English   Lay  will  be  simplified. 

We  are  now  ready  to  take  up  the  discussion  at  the  point 
where  Kupferschmidt  faced  the  alternatives :  did  F  and  G  have 
a  common  source,  or  did  F  come  from  G?  But,  no  longer 
bound  by  the  consideration  of  the  English  Lay,  we  are  free  to 
take  up  the  investigation  of  his  rejected  alternative.  Could 
Gaimar's  account  have  been  used  by  the  author  of  the  French 
Lay? 


IV 

A  Comparison  of  the  French  Lay 
and  Gaimar's  Version 

We  have  already  seen  in  Chapter  I  that  a  certain  number  of 
scholars  failed  to  follow  the  majority  in  the  adoption  of  Kup- 
ferschmidt's  theory.  A  few  of  them,  it  will  be  remembered, 
expressed  with  more  or  less  conviction  their  opinion  that  the 
French  Lay  might  have  been  derived  from  Gaimar's  version. 
Ward  alone  gave  his  reasons  for  this  view,  and  these  were  set 
aside  by  Putnam.  There  has  been,  as  far  as  I  know,  no  attempt 
to  make  a  line  by  line  comparison  of  Gaimar's  account  with  the 
French  Lay,  although  the  existence  of  nearly  identical  lines  in 
these  two  versions  has  been  pointed  out  in  some  detail  by  Kup- 
ferschmidt  and  others.  But  the  relative  number  of  such  lines, 
the  kinds  of  resemblances  they  contain,  and  the  fact  that  they 
occur  singly  or  in  long  passages,  should  give  evidence  quite  as 
important  as  that  offered  by  the  differences  existing  between 
the  two  works, —  differences  which  up  to  the  present  have 
been  much  stressed.  Therefore  the  first  step  in  considering 
the  French  Lay  and  Gaimar's  story  is  such  a  comparison.  The 
following  pages  will  contain  the  text  of  the  Lay,  each  line  of 
which  will  be  accompanied  by  a  corresponding  line  of  Gaimar's 
text  if  one  is  to  be  found.  Passages  from  the  latter  poem  which 
contain  a  mere  suggestion,  or  occasionally  an  interesting  point 
of  difference,  will  be  given  in  parentheses. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  no  critical  text  of  either 
Gaimar  or  the  Lay  exists.  The  best  edition  of  Gaimar,  on 
which  this  comparison  is  based,  is  that  of  Hardy  and  Martin 
( 1 888-1 889),  which  was  criticized  severely  by  Paul  Meyer,  who 
said  that  Sir  Thomas  Hardy,  although  deeply  versed  in  the 
sources  of  English  history  and  experienced  in  Latin  texts, 
"etait  evidemment  peu  familier  avec  I'ancien  fran9ais,  et  sur- 
tout  avec  la  critique  qu'il  convient  d'appliquer  aux  textes  ecrits 
en  cette  langue." ' 

^  Rom.  XVIII,  pp.  314-318.  Cf.  p.  315.  Paul  Meyer  comments  on  the 
editor's  inexact  manner  of  denoting  omissions  and  additions  in  the  other  manu- 


58  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

The  text  of  the  Lay  is  also  from  the  Hardy- Martin  edition 
of  Gaimar  (p.  290).  The  editor  published  Ms.  //^  and  gave 
for  the  first  time  variants  from  the  older  Ms.  P.  These  vari- 
ants are  not  entirely  satisfactory,  because  they  are  evidently 
indicated  no  more  carefully  than  are  the  variants  of  Gaimar's 
text.  On  page  10  this  statement  was  made:  "Thus  far  every 
variation  of  spelling  in  Mss.  D  and  L  is  noticed.  It  will  not 
be  so  in  the  future."  In  the  Lay  passages  of  from  six  to  ten 
lines  are  often  found  with  no  variant  given,^  and  some  mechan- 
ical errors  are  also  patent.'* 

Yet  notwithstanding  the  lack  of  critical  texts,  it  will  probably 
be  possible  to  draw  enough  evidence  from  the  comparison  of 
the  Lay  and  Gaimar's  version  in  their  present  condition  to 
throw  some  light  on  the  question  of  their  relationship.  Do 
they  show  the  marks  of  a  common  source,  or  does  the  Lay 
clearly  point  to  Gaimar  as  its  starting  point? 

scripts,  when  giving  variants ;  and  he  criticizes  especially  the  way  in  which  the 
text  is  composed.  The  editor  chose  Ms.  M  of  the  British  Museum  for  his  edi- 
tion, retained  all  its  defective  readings,  and  gave  the  correct  readings  merely 
among  the  variants  from  the  other  Mss.,  D  and  Z,  thereby  leaving  the  reader  to 
form  his  own  text.  The  method  is  illogical  since,  when  any  lacuna  occurs  in 
Ms.  M,  a  word,  a  hne,  or  a  whole  passage  is  inserted  from  Mss.  D  and  L  with 
different  spelling,  and  with  indications  not  definite  enough  to  show  the  beginning 
and  end  of  the  lacuna.  In  concluding  his  remarks  on  the  text,  Paul  Meyer  adds : 
**On  comprend  que  je  ne  puis  songer  a  proposer  des  ameliorations  a  un  texte  qui 
reste  entierement  a  faire  "  (p.  317). 

2  See  chapter  I,  p.  6,  n.  3,  for  manuscripts.  Ms.  H  is  in  the  Herald's  Col- 
lege ;   Ms.  P  at  Cheltenham. 

3  Cf.    IO7O-IO77,    410-420,    836-843,    930-938. 

4  Variant  in  line  43  reads  Tels]  tieus  P,  which  would  indicate  that  H  reads 
Tels,  P  tieus,  but  H  in  the  text  reads  Tieus ;  161  atendre]  entendre  P,  al- 
though H  has  entendre;  271  tutjomitted  L  (?)  ;  294  should  be  numbered  293 
oit]  out,  and  qe  cil]  quil,  which  follows  without  number,  indicating,  according  to 
the  system  used,  that  the  line  is  also  294,  probably  refers  to  293  ;  295  re- 
queste]requist  P,  should  be  294;  323  troueroie  should  be  324;  370  Li]Si,  P 
should  be  369;  553  should  be  552;  554  should  be  553  ;  581  has  luijceo  P, 
where  ceo  stands  in  the  text,  and  the  third  part  of  1082  should  be  1084.  In 
giving  the  variants  I  have  corrected  errors  in  numbering  the  lines,  in  the  other 
cases  I  have  omitted  the  readings  entirely. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


59 


THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

24  De  son  piere  dirrai  auant. 

25  Gunter  out  non,«si  fut  Danois, 

26  La  terre  tint,  si  estoit  rois, 

27  En  icel  tens  qe  Arthur  regna, 

28  Vers  Danemarche  mer  passa, 

29  La  terre  vout  souz  mettre  a  soi 

30  Et  le  treu  auer  del  roi ; 

3  I  Au  roi  Gunter  se  combati 

32  Et  as  Danois,  sis  venqui. 

33  Li  rois  meismes  i  fut  occis, 

34  Et  plusurs  autres  del  pais. 
3  5  Hodulf  loccist  par  traison, 

36  Qui  touz  iors  out  le  quor  felon. 

3  7  Quant  Arthur  out  finie  sa  guerre, 

38  Hodulf  dona  tote  la  terre 

39  Et  les  homages  des  barons, 

40  Puis  sen  ala  od  ses  Bretons  ;  7 

41  Qe  par  destreit,  qe  par  poour. 


GAIMAR 

400  Vus  fustes  fiz  a  un  bon  rei. 

403   Li  vostre  pere  out  nun  Gunter ;  s 

401  Danemarche  out  par  heritage, 

409  Mes  CO  avint  en  vostre  terre, 

410  Li  reis  Arthur,  la  vint  conqueere. 


41 1    Pur  sun  treu,  que  li  detint ; 

413  Al  rei  Gunter  semblad  contraire; 

414  Juste  la  mer  li  tint  bataille. 

41  5   Oscis  i  fu  li  reis  Gunter, 

416  E  dambes  parz  maint  chevaler : 
513    Pur  son   seignur,    (Gunter),   kil 

(Hodulf)  aveit  mort, 
517   Pur  CO  kil  (Hodulf)  ert  traitres  e 
fel,6 

417  Ki  Arthur  volt,  dona  la  terre. 
523   Cist  reis  (Hodulf)  ki  done  ert  el 

pais. 


511    Ki  done  ert  reis  poistifs 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


25   Danois)  Daneis. 

28  Vers)  En.       Danemarche)  Dene- 

ma  rche. 

29  vout)  volt,      souz)  omitted. 
32  sis)  tuz  les. 


33  occis)  ossis. 

34  autres)  altres. 
36  quor)  quer. 

4 1  destreit)  destresce. 


qe)  tant. 


Note. — To  avoid  confusion  I  omit  the  brackets  used  in  the  Hardy-Martin  edi- 
tion to  indicate  forms  supplied  in  the  text  of  Gaimar  from  Mss.  D  and  L  to  fill 
lacunae  in  Ms.  M.  Wherever  variants  of  Ms.  P  of  the  Lay  are  closer  to  Gaimar 
than  the  readings  of  Ms.  Hy  they  are  added  to  the  reading  of  the  text,  and  in  the 
same  way  such  variants  of  Mss.  D  and  L  of  Gaimar  as  resemble  the  Lay  more 
nearly  are  included  in  the  text  of  Ms.  M.  The  lines  of  the  Lay  which  are 
practically  identical  with  Gaimar' s  are  italicized  in  my  text. 

5  The  Lay  omits  details  given  in  Gaimar.  The  queen  is  Alvive,  the  daughter 
of  Gaifer. 

6  Gaimar  adds  that  Hodulf  killed  Gunter  (514)  :  Par  la  vertu  de  Artur  le 
fort ;  Kil  out  par  treison  mande,  E  eel  pais  li  out  done.  The  author  of  the  Lay 
does  not  explain  how  he  killed  him. 

7  The  author  of  the  Lay  alone  mentions  the  Bretons  (40).  Gaimar's  account 
leaves  Arthur's  departure  to  be  inferred  from  his  investing  Hodulf  with  power. 

s  Gaimar  states  this  fact  when  commenting  on  Sygar  and  his  adherents,  who 
held  aloof  from  Hodulf. 


6o 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 

42  Hodulf  seruirent  li  plusour. 

43  Tieus  iout,  li  quistrent  mal, 

44  Par  le  consail  Sigar  Lestal, 

45  Qui  prodome  fut  et  riche  bier, 

46  Et  bien  sauoit  guerroier. 


47  Cil  auoit  le  corn  a  garder,9 

48  Qe  nuls  horns  ne  pout  soner. 


49  Si  dreit  heir  ne  fust  del  lignage 

50  Sur  les  Danois  par  heritage. 

5 1  Einz  qe  li  rois  Arthurs  venist, 

52  Ne  od  les  Danois  se  combatist, 

53  Gunter  auoit  vn  soen  chastel 

54  Sus  la  marine,  fort  et  bel ; 

5  5  De  viande  estoit  bien  garniz ; 

56  Dedenz  mist  sa  femme  et  son  fiz ; 

57  A  vn  baron  de  la  contree 

58  En  ad  la  garde  comandee. 

59  Grim  ^°  out  non,  mult  le  crei, 

60  Leaument  lout  touz  tens  serui. 

61  Sur  totes  riens  li  comanda 

62  Son  fiz,  quil  forment  ama  ; 

63  Qe  si  de  lui  mesauenoit, 

64  En  bataille  sil  morroit. 


GAIMAR 

512  Sur  Taltre  gent  de  eel  pais, 

505  Hoc  maneit  uns  riches  hom, 

D  L  Lestarle 

506  Sigar  Estalre  aveit  nun  : 

507  Seneschal  fu  al  rei  Gunter, 

508  E  de  sa  terre  justiser. 

509  Maes  ore  ert  tels  ken  peis  teneit ; 

510  E  icel  riche  rei  forment  haeit, 

5 1 8  Plus  en  unt  tenu  conseil 

519  Ke  ja  od  li  ne  se  tendrunt, 

683  Cel  corn  aveit  Sygar  guarde, 

684  Li  reis  Gunter  li  out  livere. 

677  Si  ke  nuls  ja  corner  loist, 

Dne\ 

678  Si  rei  u  dreit  air  le  feist : 

679  De  Denemarche  le  dreit  air 

680  Le  pot  ben  soner,  pur  vair; 


579  (Un  mariner,  ki  Grim  out  nun,) 


Fariants  of  Ms.  P 


44  consail)  conseil. 

45  riche  bier)  riches  bcr. 

46  guerroier)  guere  mener. 

48  pout)  poeit. 

49  dreit)  dreiz.   fust)  fut.   lignage)  li- 

nage. 


51  Arthurs)  Arthur. 

53  Gunter)  Gunters. 

54  Sus)  Sur. 

60  touz  tens)  tut  dis. 

61  totes  riens)  tote  ren. 
64  sil  morroit)  ou  il  irreit. 


9  The  horn  and  flame  are  not  anticipated  in  a  description  by  Gaimar,  but  his 
facts  in  regard  to  them  are  the  same  when  they  are  brought  into  the  story. 

^°Grim's  part  is  changed.  He  is  a  baron  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  queen 
and  Havelok.  He  protects  them  in  a  castle,  and  prepares  a  boat  for  flight  as 
Hodulf  becomes  more  aggressive.  In  G  the  queen  fears  and  flees  with  Havelok 
to  the  mariner  Grim,  who  saves  them  in  his  boat.  Hodulf  is  emphasized  more 
than  in  Gaimar. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


6i 


70 

71 
72 

73 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

65  Qa  son  poeir  le  garantist 

66  Et  fors  del  pais  le  meist, 

61   Quil  ni  fust  ne  pris  ne  trouez, 

68  Na  ses  enemis  liuerez 

69  Li  emfes  nestoit  gaires  granz, 

P  dous 
Nauoit  mie  plus  de  vii.  anz ; 
Totes  les  houres  qil  dormoit 
Vne  flambe  de  lui  issoit. 
Par  la  bouche  li  venoit  fors ; 

74  Si  grant  chalur  auoit  el  cors. 

75  La  flambe  rendoit  tiel  odour, 

76  One  ne  sen  tit  nul  home  meillour." 

77  A  grant  merueille  le  tenoient 

78  Cil  de  la  terre  qui  la  veoient. 

79  Puis  qe  li  rois  Counter  fut  morz, 

80  Et  ses  barons  et  son  efforz, 

81  Hodulf  chai  et  dechaca 

82  Tuz  ceus  qil  sout  qil  ama. 

83  La  reyne  grant  poour  out, 

84  Et  li  prodoms  qi  la  gardout, 

85  Que  le  chastel  sus  eus  preist, 

86  Et  le  fiz  le  roi  occeist. 

87  Nont  mie  force  a  eus  defendre, 

88  Autre  consail  lur  estoet  prendre.  ^^ 

89  Grim  fet  niefs  apparailler, 

90  Et  de  viande  bien  charger, 

91  Fors  del  pais  sen  uout  fuir 


580  Men  menat  petit  valetun. 
625   Si  li  membrat 

627  De  la  flambe  ki  ert  issant 

628  De  sa  buche,  quant  ert  dormant. 


418  Meis  la  reine,  pur  la  guere, 

419  Ne  pout  en  la  terre  remancir; 

420  Si  sen  fui  od  ledreit  air. 


423    (Mis  pere  aveit  mult  bon  nef ;) 


Variants 

of  Ms.  P 

66  fors)  hors.     le  meist)  sen  fuist. 

80  ses  barons)  si  barun.      son)  ses. 

67  ni)  ne. 

81    chai)hai. 

69  gaires)  gueres. 

85   le)  lur.      preist)  preisseist. 

70  vij)  dous. 

86  fiz)  fiiz.      occeist)  esteit. 

7 1    dormoit)  dormeit. 

87  Nont  mei)  Nen  mie.      A  eus)  pur 

73    Par  la  bouche)  De  sa  buche. 

els. 

74  el)  al. 

88   estoet)  estut. 

75-76   Omitted. 

89  niefs)  sa  nef   apparailler) apareiler. 

78   qui  la  veoient)  kil  saueient. 

91   uout)  uult. 

"  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  these  additional  attributes  of  the  flame  are  not 
found  in  the  older  manuscript  of  F.  This  may  have  been  through  an  oversight, 
but  it  is  also  possible  that  these  lines  were  inserted  later. 

'2  The  description  of  preparations  for  flight  and  of  the  embarcation  belongs 
entirely  to  F.  One  line  ^42  9)  of  G,  however,  refers  to  the  chevaliers  et  nostre 
gent  J  so  that  the  queen  was  not  unaccompanied. 


62 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


92 
93 
94 
95 
96 


THE   LAI  D  HAVELOC 

Pur  le  droit  hoir  de  mort  garrir ; 
La  reyne  merra  od  soi. 
Pur  la  doute  del  felon  roi. 
Qui  occis  auoit  son  seignur ; 
Tost  feroit  a  li  deshonur. 

97  Quant  sa  nief  fut  apparaillee, 

98  Dedenz  fist  entrer  sa  meisnee, 

P  chamberlencs 

99  Ses  cheualers  et  ses  serganz, 

1 00  Sa  femme  demeine  et  ses  enfanz  ; 

1 01  La  reyne  mist  el  batel, 
Haueloc  tint  souz  son  mantel ; 
II  meismes  apres  entra 
A  Dieu  del  del  se  comanda. 
Del  hauene  sont  desancre. 
Car  il  eurcnt  bon  orre  ; 
Le  trauers  eurent  de  la  mier, 

108  Mes  ne  sieuent  queu  part  aler  ^3 

109  Ou  garder  pussent  lur  seignur. 
1 1  o  Malement  lur  auint  le  iour  ;  ^4 

Car  outlaghes  les  encontrerenty 
Qui  hautement  les  escrierent. 
Mult  durement  les  assaillirent, 
Et  cil  forment  se  defendirent ; 
Mes  il  eurent  poi  desforz. 
La  nefunt  robe  e  ma  I  misey 
E  la  Reine  i  fu  ossise. 
1 16   Li  outlaghe  les  ont  touz  morz. 


102 

103 
104 
105 
106 

107 


1 1 1 

1 12 

"3 
114 

P 


1 1 7  Ni  remist  nul  petit  ne  grant 


424  (La  raine  amenout  sucf :) 


425  (Vers  cest  pais  lamenout,) 

426  *'  Quant  si  avinty  cum  Deu  plout, 

427  "  De  utlagles  fumes  encontrez: 


438  (Nostre  nef) 

D  L  frainte  e  malmise 

439  Car  tute  fufreitey  e  malveise, 

440  ^ant  la  raine  fu  oscise. 

428  En  mer  furent  trestuz  ruez 

429  Nos  chevalers,  e  nostre  gent, 

43  I  Unc  ne  guari  horsxyfors  mun  pere. 


92  garrir)  guarir. 

93  merra)  mettra. 
95   Q.ui)Ke. 
97  apparaillee)  aparile. 

99  cheualers)  chamberlencs. 

100  demeine)  ameine. 

104  Dieu)  Deu.      se)  les. 

105  sont)  se  sunt. 

106  eurent)  aueient.      orre)  ore. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

107  eurent)  eurent. 

108  Mes  il  ne  seuent  quel  part  turner. 

1 10  iour)  ior. 

1 1 1  Outlaghes)  Utlages. 

112  hautement)  laidement. 
1 14  forment)  de  la  nef. 
1 1  5   P  adds :   La  nef  unt  robe  e  mal 

mise,   E  la  Reine  i  fu  ossise. 
1 17  grant)  granz. 


^3  In  F  Grim  is  represented  as  sailing  at  random.  In  G  they  may  have  directed 
their  flight  toward  Lindsey. 

^4  The  details  of  the  voyage  and  of  the  attack  of  the  pirates  are  strikingly 
similar.  The  only  difference  is  the  emphasis  placed  by  the  author  of  the  Lay  on 
the  valor  of  the  queen's  party  and  the  impossibility  of  escape  from  the  pirates. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


63 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 

1 8  Fors  Grim^  qui  ert  lur  conoissant, 

1 9  Sa  femme  et  ses  enfanx  petiz, 

20  Et  Haueloc  i  est  garriz. 


121 
122 
123 
124 
125 
126 
127 
128 
129 
130 

132 
133 
134 
135 


Puis  qe  de  eus  furetit  eschape, 
Tant  ont  nage  et  tant  sigle 
Qen  vne  hauene  sont  paruenu, 
Et  de  la  nief  a  terre  issu. 
Ceo  fut  el  North,  a  Grimesbi.^s 
A  icel  tens  qe  ieo  vus  di, 
Ni  out  onques  home  habite, 
Ne  cele  hauene  nert  pas  haunte. 
II  i  adresca  primes  maison  ; 
De  lui  ad  Grimesbi  a  non. 
Quant  Grim  primes  i  ariua. 
En  a.  moitez  sa  nief  trencha, 
Les  chiefs  en  ad  amont  dresce ; 
Iloec  dedenz  sest  herberge. 
Pescher  aloit  si  com  il  soloit,^^ 


136  5/V/ vendoit  et  achatoit, 

1  3  7  Tant  qil  fut  iloec  bien  seu, 

138  Et  des  paisanz  bien  coneu. 

139  Plusurs  a  li  sacompaignerent, 

1 40  Sus  le  hauene  se  herbergerent ; 

141  Pur  son  non,  qil  eurent  oi, 

142  Le  liu  appellerent  Grimesbi. 


GAIMAR 

433  Mis  per  e  est  ait  lur  c  onus s  ant ; 
432  Ne  nule  femme y  fors  ma  mere. 

434  Pur  CO  guarirent  li  enfant y 

435  ^  jOy  ^  ^^^i  ^  ^^  duifrere, 

436  Par  la  priere  de  mun  pere. 

495  (  Tant  unt  nage  e  gov  erne  y^ 


437  En  cest  pais  quant  arivames, 

438  Nostre  grant  nef  par   mi  tren- 
ch am  es  ; 

44 1  De  nostre  nef  meison  feimes  : 

442  Par  un  batel  ben  guarisimes, 

443  Dunt  nostre  pere  ala  pescher. 
380  Grim  vendi  sely  si  fu  peschere. 


118 
121 
122 
123 

124 
125 
126 

127 
128 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


conoissant)  conisanz. 

furent)  fu.      eschape)  eschapee. 

nage)  nagee.      sigle)  siglee. 

Qen)  Ke  a. 

nief)  nef. 

Ceo)  Ce.     el)  en. 

A)  Mes  a.      qe)  dunt. 

onques)  vnques. 

nert  pas)  naent. 


29  adresca)  dresca. 
132  moitez)  meites. 

135  aloit)  alad.      soloit)  sout. 

136  Siel)Sel. 

137  seu)  seuz. 

138  coneu)  coneuz. 

140  Sus)  Sur. 

141  eurent)  orent. 

142  appellerent)  apellent. 


^5  All  the  information  about  Grimsby,  the  harbor  and  the  growth  of  the  town 
is  found  only  in  F. 

^^  This  is  a  second  failure  to  be  consistent  in  the  part  of  Baron  which  the 
author  of  F  has  attributed  to  the  fisherman  Grim. 


64 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 

143  Li  prodoms  son  seignur  nurrit,^7 

144  Et  sa  femme  bien  le  seruit. 

145  Pur  lur  enfant  tuz  le  tenoient, 

146  Car  autre  chose  ne  sauoient. 

147  Grim  li  out  fet  changer  son  non, 

148  Qe  par  tant  nel  conuist  lom.^^ 

1 49  Li  emfes  creut  et  amenda  ;  ^9 

I  50  De  cors,  de  membres  efForca  ; 

1 5 1  Einz  quil  eust  gaires  de  ee 

152  Ni  trouast  il  home  barbe, 

1 5  3   Sencontre  lui  liuter  vousist, 

154  Qe  li  emfes  ne  labatist. 

1 5  5  Mult  fut  forz  et  vertuous, 

I  56  Et  enpernant  et  airous. 

1 5  7  A  merueille  sen  esioit  2° 

I  5  8  Grim  le  prodome,  qi  le  nurrit ; 

I  59  Mes  de  ceo  out  le  queor  dolent 

1 60  Quil  nert  nurri  entre  tiele  gent 

161  Ou  il  puist  auqes  entendre 


(li  prodom) 

588  Ki  me  nuri,  e  mult  mama  : 

589  II  e  sa  femme  me  nurirent, 

590  E  mult  me  nurirent  e  cherirent. 


1 1 3  Naveit  valet  en  la  meison, 

1 1 4  Si  lui  feseit  ahataison 

115  E  sur  lui  comencast  mellees, 

D  L  ruast 
1160  nel  rueit  jambes  levees  : 
1 1 1    Mes  pur  CO  que  hardi  estait, 
117    (E  quant  il  ben  se  corucout) 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

143  prodoms)  prodome.  nurrit) norri.         155   fut)  par  ert. 

144  bien  le  seruit)  mult  le  cheri. 

145  enfant)  enfanz.     le)  les. 
153  liuter)  luter.     vousist)  volsist. 


158  nurrit)  noriseit. 

159  queor)  quer. 

160  nurri)  noriz.     tiele)  tel. 


^7  These  lines  (143-144)  also  resemble  those  of  G  (453-455  ff-)*  '^*°^ 
cum  vesqui,  il  e  ma  mere  Bien  vus  nurrit,  mielz  que  mi  frere.  In  F  seruit  shows 
additional  respect  for  Havelok  as  the  heir  to  the  throne. 

^8  Gaimar  does  not  comment  on  the  concealment  of  Havelok*  s  real  name.  It 
may  be  considered  as  implied,  however,  since  he  did  not  know  his  name  until 
told  it  by  Kelloc  (421-422).  Co  estes  vus,  si  cum  jo  crei,  Danz  Haveloc,  le 
fiz  le  rei.  That  he  was  considered  one  of  Grim's  family  and  considered  himself 
as  such  is  shown  by  lines  365-376,  and  especially  by  line  367  :  Tu  es  ma  suer, 
jo  sui  tis  frere,  Ambure  de  pere  e  de  mere.  Grim  fud  mis  pere,  un  peschur,  Ma 
mere  ot  nun  Sebrug,  sa  uxor,  etc. 

==9  Gaimar' s  description  of  Havelok  follows  the  mention  of  his  arrival  at  court. 
Physical  strength  and  valor  are  emphasized  in  it  also,  but  the  whole  conception  is 
more  rudely  expressed.  F  contains  another  description  of  Havelok  at  court  cor- 
responding more  closely  to  Gaimar' s. 

2°  The  following  account,  which  explains  Havelok's  departure  from  Grimsby, 
belongs  to  /^  only.  Gaimar  simply  states  that  after  Grim  died  Havelok  left  the 
place. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  65 

THE  LAI  d'haVELOC  GAIMAR 

162  Et  afetement  apendre  ; 

163  Car  il  quidoit  en  son  corage 

164  Qe  encore  aueroit  son  heritage. 

165  Grim  lappella  vn  iour  a  soi ; 

166  **Beaufiz,"  fet  il/'entend  amoi; 

167  **Ici  manom  mult  sou tiuement, 

168  **  Od  pescheours,  od  poure  gent, 

169  **Qui  se  garrissent  de  pescher; 

1 70  **  Tu  ne  siez  rien  de  eel  mester ; 

171  **Ici  ne  poez  sauer  nul  bien, 

172  **Tu  ni  gaigneras  ia  rien. 

173  **  Va  ten,  beau  fiz,  en  Engleterre 

174  **  Aprendre  sens  et  auoir  querre  ; 

175  **Tes  freres  meine  ensemble  od  toi; 

176  **En  la  curt  a  vn  riche  roi 

177  * *Te  met,beau  fiz, souz  les  serganz. 

178  *«Tu  es  forz,  parcreuz,  et  granz, 

179  **Si  porras  grant  fes  porter. 

180  **  A  tote  gent  te  fai  amer, 

181  "Si  tabandoune  del  seruir 

182  **  Quant  tu  porras  en  liu  venir; 

183  *«Et  Dieu  te  dount  si  espleiter 

184  **Qe  auques  i  puissez  gaigner." 

185  Quant  li  prodoms  lout  enseigne, 

186  Et  de  draps  apparaille, 

187  De  lui  le  fist  partir  a  peine. 

188  Les  ii.  valez  od  li  ameine.^^ 

189  Tuit  troi  quidoient  estre  frere, 

1 90  Si  come  lur  auoit  dit  lur  piere. 

191  Tant  ont  le  droit  chemin  tenu, 

192  Quil  sont  a  Nichole  venu. 

193  A  ICEL  tens  qe  ieo  vus  di,22    


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

162  Afaitement  e  sens  aprendre.  174  auoir)  auer. 

164  heritage)  corage.    .  177  beau)  beus.      serganz)  seruanz. 

166  beau)  Beu.  178  Tu  es  mult  fors  e  cruz  e  granz. 

168  pescheours)  pechurs.  179  porras)  poras  ben. 

169  de)  par.  181  del)  de. 

170  siezj  sez.     eel)  lur.  186  draps)  noues  dras. 

1 7 1  poez)  poez  tu.  1 89  Tuit  troi)  Tuz  treiz. 

172  Ne  ia  ne  guainerez  ren.  191  le)  lur. 


2^  The  only  resemblance  to  Gaimar's  account  in  the  whole  passage  is  the  fact 
that  Havelok  takes  the  two  foster  brothers  with  him.  In  F  Grim  advises  him  to 
do  so. 

22  Gaimar  mentions  Adelbrit  first,  and  Li  altres  refers  to  Edelsi  (49).  In  F 
Alsi  comes  first. 


66 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

194  Vn  roi  qert  nome  Alsi 

195  Tenoit  en  la  terre  en  sa  baillie, 

196  Nicole  et  tote  Lindesie, 

197  Cele  partie  vers  le  north  ; 

198  Et  Rotelande  et  Stanford's 

1 99  Out  cil  Alsi  en  heritage ; 

200  Mes  il  estoit  Bret  par  lignage.24 

201  Le  roiaume  vers  les  Surois'S 

202  Gouernoit  vns  autres  rois  ;  '6 

203  Ekenbright  out  cil  rois  a  non, 

204  Mult  out  en  lui  noble  baron. 

205  II  out  la  sorour  Alsi 

206  (Compaignon  furent  et  ami), 

207  Orewen,  vne  dame  vaillant ; 

208  Mes  entre  eus  neurent  enfant 

209  Mes  qe  vne  fille  bele  ; 

210  Argentine  out  non  la  pucelc. 

21 1  Rois  Ekenbright  fiat  enfermez,^? 

212  Et  de  grant  mal  forment  greuez. 
2 1  3  Bien  siet  nen  poet  garrir  ; 


GAIMAR 

D  L  Edelsi 

49  Li  altres  out  nun  Edelsie ; 

D  L  Lindesi 

50  Sue  ert  Nicole  e  Lindeseie, 


51 
52 
61 
62 
53 


Des  Humbre  desken  Roteland 
Ert  le  pais  en  son  comant : 
Li  altre  rei  estait  Breton, 
Ki  Edelsi  aveit  a  nun  : 
Li  altre  ert  reis  de  la  contree 

54  Ki  ore  est  Nortfolc  apelee. 

D  L  Achebrit  ot 

47  Adelbrit  aveit  a  nun  li  uns  des  reis  ; 

48  Riches  horn  fu,  si  ert  Daneis : 

55  Edelsi  dona  sa  sorur 

D  L  Achebrit 
59  A  Adelbrit,  eel  riche  reis, 

63  Sa  sorur  out  nun  Orwain  ; 

64  Mult  ert  franche,  e  de  bone  main. 


65 
66 

79 


De  son  seignur  out  une  fille, 
Ke  lom  apela  Argentille. 

D  Achebricht,  L  Achebrit 
Mes  done  avint   ke  Adelbrict 


fu 


mort. 


Variants  of  Ms,  P 


1 94  AlsiJ  Edelsi. 

197  Cele)E  le. 

198  Stanford)  Estanfort. 

199  cil  Alsi)  ausi. 

200  Bret)  Brez. 

201  roiaume)  realme.  Surois)  Suriens. 

202  Gouernoit)  Gouernout  ores. 

203  Ekenbright)  E  Sehebrit. 


207  Orewen)  Orwein. 

208  entre  eus  neurent)  il  naueient  nul. 

209  Fors  vne  sule  file  bele. 

210  pucele)  damaisele. 

2 1 1  Echebrit  chai  en  enfermete. 

212  forment)  fu  mult,    greuez)  greue. 

213  poet)  pora. 


«3  A  difference  in  geographical  detail  is  to  be  noted,  as  well  as  the  statement 
that  Alsi  held  his  kingdom  en  heritage. 

24  In  G  Edelsi  is  BretuUy  as  Adelbrit  is  a  Dane.     In  F  he  is  Bret  par  lignage. 

25  This  geographical  detail  varies  in  the  two  accounts. 

26  The  author  of  F  does  not  mention  that  Ekenbright  is  a  Dane. 

27  This  is  an  important  difference.  Gaimar  states  merely  that  Adelbrit  died. 
The  author  of  F  represents  him  as  about  to  die  and  sending  for  Alsi,  to  whom  he 
confides  the  queen,  the  kingdom,  and  Argentille  with  conditions  which  Alsi  binds 
himself  by  oath  to  fulfill. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


(^1 


214 
215 
216 

217 
218 
219 
220 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

Alsi  fet  a  lui  venir, 
Sa  fille  li  ad  comandee 
Et  sa  terre  tote  liueree. 
Primerement  li  fet  iurer, 
Veiant  sa  gent,  et  affier, 
Qe  leaument  la  nurrireit, 
Et  sa  terre  lui  gardereit, 
2  2 1    Tant  qele  fust  de  tiel  age 

222  Que  sufFrir  porroit  mariage  ; 

223  Quant  la  pucele  seit  granz, 

224  Par  le  consail  de  ses  tenanz, 

225  Au  plus  fort  home  la  dorroit 

226  Qe  el  reaume  troueroit ; 
Ms.P   (Ken  la  terre  trouer  poreit.) 

227  Quil  li  baillast  ses  citez, 

P   (Pus  li  bailla  les  fermetez,) 

228  Ses  chasteus  et  ses  fermetez, 
P   (Les  chasteuz  e  les  citez,) 

229  Sa  niece  en  garde  et  sa  sorour, 

230  Et  tuz  les  homes  de  lonur. 
Mes  la  reyne  enmaladit ; 

P  Echebrit 
Puis  qe  Ekenbright  finit, 
Hastiuement  refut  finie, 

234  Lez  son  seignur  fut  enfouie.^s 

235  De  EUS  estoet  ore  ci  lesser. 

236  De  Haueloc  voil  auant  conter. 

237  Rois  Alsi,  qui  done  regna 

238  Et  les  ii.  regnes  gouerna, 

239  Bone  curt  tint  et  grant  gent; 

240  A  Nicole  manoit  souent. 

241  Cil  Haueloc  a  sa  curt  vint 

242  Et  vn  keu  le  roi  le  retint. 


231 

232 
233 


89  Car  la  raine  ert  enfermee, 

90  Ne  mais  vint  jurs  ad  duree 

L  Achebrit 

9 1  Apres  Albrict :  quant  fu  finie, 

92  Unt  la  raine  ensepelie  ; 


153   II  ert  issi,  en  la  meison. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


215  fille)  nece. 

217  Primerement)  Premerement.     li) 
le. 

221  tiel)  tele. 

222  porroit)  pout. 

223  seit)  serreit. 
225  dorroit)  dureit. 


226-228  As  in  the  text. 
232   Ekenbright)  Echebrit. 

235  ci)  omitted,      lesser)  laisser. 

236  conter)  traiter. 
239  et)  mult  ot. 

242   Et  vn  keu)  Vn  des  ecus. 


28  According  to  G,  the  queen  goes  to  her  brother  after  Adelbrit's  death, 
and  puts  the  kingdom  into  his  charge  before  her  own  death.  In  F,  since  Adel- 
bright  had  already  taken  this  step,  it  is  stated  merely  that  the  queen  died  soon 
after  her  husband. 


68 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 

243  Purceo  qe  fort  le  vist  et  grant, 

244  Et  mult  le  vist  de  bon  semblant. 

245  Merueillous  fes  poeit  leuer, 

246  Busche  tailler,  ewe  porter. 

247  Les  esquieles  receuoit, 

248  Et  apres  manger  les  lauoit ; 

249  Et  quantquil  poeit  purchacer 

250  Piece  de  char  ou  pain  enter, 
2  5 1  Mult  le  donoit  volentiers, 

252  As  valez  et  as  esquiers, 

253  Tant  estoit  franc  et  deboneire, 

254  Que  tuz  voloit  lur  pleisir  fere. 

255  Pur  la  franchise  qil  out, 

256  Entre  eus  le  tenoient  pur  sot ; 

257  De  lui  fesoient  lur  deduit,29 

258  Cuaran  lappelloient  tuit ; 

259  Car  ceo  tenoient  li  Breton  30 

260  En  lur  language  quistron. 

261  Souent  le  menoient  auant 

262  Li  cheualer  et  li  sergant, 

263  Pur  la  force  qen  li  fu  ; 

264  Desquil  seurent  sa  grant  vertu, 

265  Deuant  eus  liuter  le  fesoient 


266  As  plus  forz  homes  qil  sauoient, 

267  Et  il  trestouz  les  abatit ; 

268  Et  si  nuls  de  eus  le  mesdeisist, 

269  Par  dreite  force  le  lioit : 

270  Tant  le  tenoit  et  iustisoit 


GAIMAR 

154  Esqueler  a  une  quistron. 
106  Mes  mult  par  ert  bel  valetun. 


136  Feseit  sovent  mult  larges  dons, 
135   E  as  vallez  de  la  meisons. 


1 1 1 

112 

113 

114 

115 

116 

117 

118 

119 

120 

121 

Mes  pur  co  que  hardi  estait, 
E  volunters  se  combateit, 
Naveit  valet  en  la  meison. 
Si  lui  feseit  ahataison 
E  sur  lui  comencast  mellees, 
Kil  nel  rueit  jambes  levees  : 
E  quant  il  ben  se  corucout, 
De  sa  ceinture  le  liout: 
E  si  cil  done  naveit  guarant, 
Bien  le  bateit  a  un  vergant. 
E  nepurhoc  tant  frans  esteit. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


244  le  vist)  esteit.     bon)  bel. 

245  Merueillous)  Merueiles. 

247  receuoit)  receiueit. 

248  les  lauoit)  de  co  serueit. 
251  Mult  par  les  dona  volunters. 
254  Que)  A. 


255  qil)  quen  li. 

256  pur)  a. 

258   Cuaran)  Curant. 

260  quistron)  pur  quistrun. 

263  fu)  feu. 

264  Des)  Pus.      seurent)  sorent. 


29  Havelok's  position  at  court  is  made  more  humiliating  by  the  author  of  F. 
Gaimar's  Havelok  is  generous  and  beloved  by  his  associates.  In  F  his  knightly 
generosity  and  amiability  are  scorned  by  his  associates.  His  duties  are  enumer- 
ated in  F,  but  not  in  G. 

30  This  allusion  to  the  Bretons  is  found  only  in  F. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


69 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 


271  Quil  li  auoit  tut  pardone, 

272  Et  quil  restoient  acorde.31 
P  Li  Reis  memes  mut  souent 

Le  fit  luter  deuant  sa  gent, 

273  Li  rois  forment  sesmerueilloit 

274  De  la  force  qen  lui  veoit. 

275  Dis  des  plus  forz  de  sa  meson 

276  Neurent  vers  li  nule  fuison  ; 

277  XII.  homes  ne  poeient  leuer 

278  Le  fes  que  il  poeit  porter 

279  En  la  curt  fut  lungement, 

280  Dici  qun  assemblement,32 

281  Qe  li  baron  a  la  curt  vindrent 

282  Qui  de  Ekenbright  lur  terre  tind- 
rent ; 

283  Et  lors  tenoient  de  Argentille 

284  La  meschine,  quert  sa  fille, 

285  Que  ia  estoit  creue  et  grant, 

286  Et  bien  poeit  auoir  enfant. 

287  Le  roi  en  ont  a  raison  mis, 
Et  de  sa  niece  lont  requis. 
Qa  tiel  home  la  mariast 
Qis  meintenist  et  conseillast, 
Et  si  gardast  son  serement 


GAIMAR 

D  LYi 

122  Si  lui  vallez  li  prometteit 

123  Ke  pur  ico  mains  nel  amast, 

124  Ignelure  le  deliast. 

I  2  5   Quant  il  se  erent  entrebaisez, 
126  Done  estait  Cuharan  haitez; 

166  De  lui  son  jugleur  feseit. 


2»» 

289 
290 
291 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


restoient)  esteient. 
Li  Reis  memes  mut  souent, 
Le  fit  luter  deuant  sa  gent, 
A  grant  merueille  le  teneit 
De  la  force  ken  lui  aueit. 
Nen  aueient  a  lui  fiiisun. 

277  poeient)  poreient. 

278  que  il  poeit)  quil  sul  soleit. 


272 
273 


276 


279  fut)  fu  ben. 

280  Dici  qun)  Deska  un. 

283  lors)  ore. 

284  quert)  qui  fu. 

285-286  in  P  follow  287-288. 

285  creue)  cruz.      grant)  granz. 

286  enfant)  enfanz. 
290  Qis)  Ke  les. 


31  The  accounts  of  the  wrestling  contests  of  Havelok  in  F  and  G  differ  in  tone 
and  detail  but  represent  the  same  events.  In  269  of  F  lioit  corresponds  to 
Gaimar's  De  sa  ceinture  le  liout.  In  F  the  knights  know  of  Havelok  and  have 
him  wrestle  for  them.  Ms.  P,  however,  is  closer  to  G.  The  king  himself  has 
Havelok  wrestle  for  him.  In  G,  too,  the  knights  know  of  Havelok,  for  they 
make  him  presents  (i 41-142). 

32  In  F  there  is  a  special  assembly  of  the  barons  in  behalf  of  Argentille,  at 
Alsi's  court.  The  description  of  this  scene  between  Alsi  and  the  barons  is  found 
only  in  F  (279-376). 


70  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

THE  LAI  d'haVELOC  GAIMAR 

292  Quil  sen  aquitast  leaument. 

293  Li  rois  oit  qe  cil  disoient, 

294  Et  la  requeste  qe  cil  fesoient ; 

295  Vn  respit  lur  en  demanda, 

296  Et  dist  quil  sen  conseillera  ; 

297  Sauer  voudra  et  demander 

298  A  qui  il  la  porra  doner. 

299  Terme  lur  mist  et  ior  noma, 

300  A  repairer  les  comanda 

301  Quant  il  se  serra  conseillez ; 

302  Et  il  si  flit  mult  veziez. 

303  A  ses  priuez  en  ad  parle. 

304  Et  son  corage  tut  demustre  ; 

305  Consail  lur  quist  et  demanda, 

306  De  ceus  qi  requeroient  ia 

307  Qa  sa  niece  donast  seignur 

308  Qjs  maintenist  a  honur; 

309  Mes  il  vout  mielz  sufFrir  lur  guerre 
3  I  o  Qil  ne  soit  dessaisi  de  la  terre. 

3  1 1  Ceo  li  dient  si  conseiller  :  — 

312  **  Fetes  la  loignz  enmener 

313  **  En  Bretaigne,  dela  la  mer, 

314  **  Et  a  vos  parenz  comander  ; 

315  **Nonaine  seit  en  vne  abbeie, 

316  **Si  serue  Dieu  tote  sa  vie," 

317  "Seignurs,  tut  el  enpense  ai, 

318  **Tut  altrement  men  deliuerai. 
3  19  **Rois  Ekenbright,  quant  il  fina 

320  **  Et  sa  fille  me  comanda, 

321  **Vn  serement  me  fist  iurer, 

322  **  Veianz  vus  touz,  et  affier, 

323  *  *  Que  au  plus  fort  home  la  dorroie 

324  **Que  en  la  terre  troueroie. 

325  **  Leaument  me  pus  acquiter  ; 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

292  Quil  sen  aquitast)  Ke  il  les  tenist.  312  enmener)  en  veier. 

293  oit)  out.  313  Bretaigne)  Bretaine. 

294  qe  cil)  quil.      requeste)  requist.  314  Et)  Sil  faites. 
296  dist  quil)  pus  il.  317  tut  el)  fet  il. 
299  et  ior)  ior  lur.  318  Tut)  Ke. 

301  se)  omitted.  319  Quant  Echebrit  li  Reis  fina. 

302  Et  il  si)  E  issi.      veziez)  ueissez.  320  fille)  terre. 

304  tut)  lurad.      demustre)  mustre.  322  vus  touz)  sa  gent. 

308  Qis)  Ke.      a  honur)  eus  e  lonur.  323  Que  au)  Cil  al.     dorroie)  dureit. 

309  Mes  il  uoleit  meuz  sufFrir  guere.  324  troueroie)  trouereit. 
3 1  o  Qil  ne  soit  dessaisi)  Ke  dessaisi  estre 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 

THE  LAI   d'hAVELOC  GAIMAR 

326  **A  Cuaran  la  voil  doner, 

327  **Celui  quest  en  ma  cuisine  ; 

328  **De  chauderes  serra  reyne. 

329  **  Quant  li  baron  repaireront, 

330  **Et  la  requeste  me  feront, 

331  **  Oianz  touz  lur  voil  mustrer 

332  *  *  Que  a  mon  quistron  la  voil  doner, 

333  **  Qu^  fort  est  et  de  grant  vertu, 

334  **Ceo  sieuent  cil  qi  lont  veu. 

335  **Sil  ni  ad  qui  le  contredie, 

336  **Ne  qi  le  mattourt  a  vileinie, 

337  **Dedenz  ma  prison  le  mettrai, 

338  **Et  au  quistron  cele  dorrai." 

339  ENSI  ad  li  rois  diuise. 
34.0  Au  ior  qil  out  a  ceus  nome, 

341  Apparailla  de  ses  priuez 

342  En  sa  chambre  vii.  vinz  armez  ;  33 

343  Car  il  quidoit  auer  mellee, 

344  La  ou  ele  serroit  esposee. 

345  A  la  curt  vindrent  li  baron  ; 

346  Li  rois  lur  mustra  sa  raison ; 

347  *  *  Seignurs, "  fet  il,  *  *  or  mescotez, 

348  '*  Puis  qe  ci  estes  assemblez  ; 

349  **  Vne  requeste  me  feistes 

350  **Lautrer,  quant  a  moi  venistes, 

351  **  Qa  ma  niece  seignur  donasse 

352  **  Et  sa  terre  li  otriasse. 

353  **  Vus  sauez  bien,  et  ieo  le  vus  di, 

354  **  Quant  Ekenbright  le  roi  fini, 

355  **En  ma  garde  sa  fille  mist, 

356  **  Vn  serement  iurer  me  fist 

357  **  Qs^  P^us  fort  home  la  dorroie 

358  **  Qe  el  reaume  trouer  porroie. 

359  **Assez  ai  quis  et  demande, 

360  **  Tant  qen  ai  vn  fort  troue. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

326-332  omitted.  349  requeste)  queste.     feistes)  feites. 

335   Sil  ni  ad)  Se  nul  ia.  350  Lautrer)  Lautre  ior. 

337  Dedenz)  en.      le)  la.  351  donasse)  donace. 

338  cele)  la.  352  otriasse)  comandasse. 

339  Ensi)  Eissi.  358  reaume)  realme. 
344  ele)  celle.      esposee)  donee.  360  qen)  ore  en. 
347   mescotez)  escutez. 


33  The  author  of  F  evidently  tries  to  defend  his  barons  by  showing  the  im- 
possibility of  any  resistance  because  of  Alsi's  precautions. 


72 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

361  **rn  valet  at  en  ma  quisine 

362  **A  qui  ieo  dorr  at  la  me  s  chine. 

363  **Cuaran  ad  cil  a  non. 

364  **Li  dis  plus  fort  de  ma  maison 

365  **Ne  se  poent  a  lui  tenir, 

366  "Son  giu  ne  sa  liute  sufFrir. 

367  "Veritez  est,  desqa  Rome 

368  "De  corsage  nad  si  grant  home. 

369  "Li  garder  voil  mon  serement, 

370  "Ne  la  pus  doner  autrement.** 

371  QUANT  LI  baron  ont  escute 

372  Qui!  out  dite  sa  volente, 

373  Entre  eus  dient  en  apert 

374  Qe  ceo  nert  ia  par  eus  sufFert. 

375  la  ieust  granz  coups  donez, 

376  Quant  il  fet  venir  les  armez. 

377  Sa  niece  lur  fet  amener,34 

378  Et  a  Cuaran  esposer  ; 

379  Pur  lui  auiler  et  honir 

380  La  fist  la  nuit  lex  lui  gisir. 

381  Quant  couche  furent  ambedui, 

382  Cele  out  grant  home  de  lui, 

383  Et  il  assez  greindre  de  li ; 

384  As  denz  se  geuty  si  se  dor  mi; 

385  Ne  voloit  pas  qele  veist 

386  La  flambe  qe  de  lui  issist ; 


GAIMAR 

174  Honist  sa  nece,  a  son  espcir, 

175  E  la  dona  a  son  quistrun, 
175    Ki  Cuheran  aveit  a  nun. 


100  Sa  nece  mesmariat. 

1 01  II  la  donat  a  un  garcon, 

102  Ki  Cuheran  aveit  a  nun  : 

103  Pur  CO  kabeisser  la  voleit. 

167  Pur  la  terre  Albrict  tolir, 

168  Feseit  sa  nece  od  lui  gisir. 
\jj  Cil  ne  saveit  ke  femme  estait, 

178  Ne  kil  fere  li  deveit : 

179  Treskil  unkes  el  lit  veneit, 

1 80  Adenz  giseity  si  se  dormeit. 

181  Argentine  ert  en  grant  purpens; 

182  Pur  quel  il  giseit  si  a  denz ; 

183  E  mult  forment  sesmerveillout, 

184  Ke  unkes  vers  lui  ne  se  turnout, 

185  Ne  ne  la  voleit  aprismer, 

186  Com  home  deit  fere  sa  muller. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

365  poent)  poeient. 

376  fet  venir)  demande.     les)  ses. 

367   desqa)  deci  ka. 

377  lur)  omitted. 

368   grant)  fort. 

380  La  fist)  Lad  fet. 

369  Li)  Si. 

381    ambedui)  amdui. 

372  volente)  uolunte. 

383  greindre )  greinur. 

374  ceo)  omitted. 

384  As  denz)  En  pels,     si  se)  e  si. 

375   coups)  copz. 

386  La  flambe  qe)  ke  la  flambe. 

34  This  passage  contains  the  general  details  of  Gaimar's  description.  As  it  is 
a  good  example  of  the  different  manner  in  which  the  two  authors  use  their  materia], 
nearly  all  of  the  passage  of  G  is  given,  even  where  it  differs  from  F.  Occasion- 
ally there  is  remarkable  similarity  in  the  words  used  in  the  two  passages. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


73 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 


387  Mes  puis  sasseurerent  tant, 

388  Et  par  parole  et  par  semblant, 

389  Quil  lama  et  od  lui  geut 

390  Come  od  sespouse  fere  deut. 

391  La  nuit  qe  primes  enparla, 

392  Tiele  ioie  en  out  qil  lama, 

P  sen 

393  Q^i^  s^  dormit  et  oblia  ; 

394  Enuers  se  geut,  ne  se  garda ; 

395  Et  la  meschine  sendormi, 

396  Son  braz  getta  sus  son  ami. 

397  Iceo  li  auint  en  auision 

/'od 

398  Qele  ert  alee  a  son  baron  35 

399  Outre  la  mier  en  vn  boscage. 

400  La  troeuent  vn  vrs  sauuage ; 

40 1  Goupilz  auoit  en  sa  compaigney 

402  Tut  fut  couerte  la  champaigne  ; 

403  Cuaran  voleient  assaillir, 

404  ^uant  dautre  part  virent  venir 
P  porz 

405  Chiens  et  senglers  qui  le   defen- 
doient. 


406   Et  des  goupilz  mult  occioient. 


187  La  nece  al  rei  se  compleigneit ; 

188  Sovent  son  uncle  maldissoit. 


191  Tant  kil  avint  a  une  nut, 

192  Kil  firent  primes  lur  deduit. 

193  Apres  ico  si  sendormirent : 

1 94  Mult  sentreamerent,  e  joirent. 

195  La  fille  al  rei,  en  son  dormant. 


196  Songat  kele  ert,  od  Cuherant, 

197  Entre  la  mer  e  un  boscage y 

198  U  conversout  un  urs  salvage, 

203  Od  lurs  aveit  as  ex  gopillXy 

204  Ki  puis  le  jur  ourent  perilz  : 

D  Cuaran 

202  Ki  36  [lurs)  voleit  Cuheran  manger. 

199  Devers  la  mer  veait  venir 

200  Pors  e  senglersy  prist  asaillir 

201  Icel  grant  urs,  ke  si  ert  fier, 

202  Ki  voleit  Cuheran  manger. 

206  Mult  em>i  {goupilz)  destruistrenty 
e  oscistrent. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


387  tant)  i  tant. 

388  par,  par)  de,  de. 

389  geut)  iust. 

390  Cum  il  od  sun  espuse  dust. 

391  en)i. 

392  Tiele)  Tel.      qil)  e  tant. 

393  se)  sen. 

394  se  garda)  senturna. 
396  getta)  ieta.      sus)  sur. 


398  a)  **  a  "  in  the  text,  but  corrected 
to  **od"  in  the  margin  of/*. 

399  vn)  omitted. 

400  troeuent)  trouerent. 

402  Tut)  Tote. 

403  voleient)  uoilent. 

405  Chiens)  porz.      defendoient)  de- 
fenderent. 

406  mult  occioient)  le  guaranterent. 


35  These  passages  of  G  and  F  are  noteworthy  for  the  identical  expression  of 
whole  lines. 

36  Ki  (202)  of  G  refers  to  the  bear. 
"il  En  (206)  of  G  refers  to  the  foxes. 


74 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

P  vcncuz, 

407  Quant  It  goupil  furent  venuy 

408  Fn  des  senglers  par  grant  vertu 

409  Ala  vers  lours,  si  lenuait, 

410  Iloeqes  loccit  et  abatit. 


411  Li  goupil  qi  od  li  se  tindrent, 

412  Fers  Coaran  ensemble  vindrent, 

413  Deuant  li  se  mistrent  a  terre, 

414  Semblant  Jirent  de  merci  querre  ; 

415  Et  Coaran  les  fist  lier,'^^ 

416  Puis  vout  a  la  mier  repairer. 

417  Mes  li  arbre  qi  el  bois  erent 

418  De  totes  parz  li  en  diner  ent; 

419  La  mier  crut  et  fiot  monta 

420  De  si  qa  lui ;  grant  poour  a. 


42 1  Deus  leons  vist  de  grant  fierte  ; 

422  Vers  lui  vindrent  tut  efFree, 
42  3  Les  bestes  del  bois  deuoroient 

424  Celes  qen  lur  votes  trouoient. 

425  Coaran  fut  en  grant  effreiy 

426  Plus  pur  sarnie  qe  pur  sei ; 

427  Sur  vne  halte  arbre  mont erent, 

428  Pur  les  leons  qil  doterent ; 

429  Mes  li  leon  auant  aloienty 

430  Desouz  larbre  sagenuilloient. 


207  Quant  li  gopi  I  furent  destruit, 
209    Un  sul  sengler,  Jier  e  hardi, 

2  I  o  Lad  par  son  cors  sul  asailli. 

208  Cel  urs,  ke  demenout  tel  bruit, 

2 1 1  Tel  lui  dona  del  une  dent, 

212  En  dous  meitez  le  quer  li  fent. 
:  3      Quant  lurs  se  sent  a  mort  feru, 
;  4  Un  cri  geta,  puis  est  chau  : 

5  E  li  gopil  vindrent  cor  ant  y 
D  L  Cuarant 

6  De  tutes  parxy  vers  Cuherant, 

7  Entre  lur  quisses  lur  cuetes, 

2 1  8   Les  chefs  enclins,  agenuletes  ; 
219   E  funt  semblant  de  merci  quere. 
D  L  Her 

221  Quant  il  les  out  feit  tuz  lever, 

222  Envers  la  mer  volt  repairer. 

223  Li  grant  arbre,  ki  el  bois  erent, 

224  De  totes  parz  lenclinerent. 

225  La  mer  montout  e  li fioz  vint, 

226  De  si  kal  bois  ne  se  tint. 

227  Li  bois  si  chaeit,  la  mer  veneit, 
D  L  Cuaran 

228  Cuheran  ert  en  grant  destreit. 

229  Apres  veneient  dous  leons: 

230  Si  chaeient  a  genullons. 

231  Mes  des  bestes  mult  oscieient 

232  El  bois,  hi  en  lur  veie  estaient. 

233  Cuheran,  pur  pour  kil  out, 
D  L  un  grant 

234  Sur  un  des  granz  arbres  montout  : 

235  E  les  leons  vindrent  avant, 

D  L  larbre 

236  Envers  eel  arbre,  agenullant. 


407  venu)  vencuz. 

408  vertu)  vertuz. 

409  Vers  lui  ala  si  len  wai. 

410  Mes  Cuarant  locist  e  uenqui. 

420  Di  CO  ele  grant  pour  a. 

421  Kar  dous  liuns  vit  par  grant  ferte 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

426  Plus)  Tant.      qe)  cum. 

427  monterent)  andui  munterent. 

428  doterent)  duterent. 

429  aloient)  alouent. 

430  sagenuilloient)  sagenulouent. 


38  Lier  (415)  of  F  is  found  in  Mss.  D  and  L  of  G.     Ms.  P  shows  by  393, 
398,  405,  407  that  the  passage  was  originally  much  closer  to  G  than  it  is  in  Ms.  H. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


75 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

431  Semblant  li  firent  damour, 

432  Et  quil  le  tenoient  a  seignur. 

433  Par  tut  le  bois  out  si  grant  cri 

434  Q^e  Argentine  sen  esperi. 

435  Mult  out  del  sunge  grant  poour; 

436  Puis  out  greindre  de  son  seignur 

437  Pur  la  jiambe  qele  choisit 

438  Q^e  de  la  bouche  li  is  sit. 

439  En  sus  se  trest,  et  si  cria 

440  Si  durement  qe  le  esueilla: 

441  **  Sire,''  fet  ele,  **  vus  ardez. 

442  **Lasse!  tut  estes  allumez.** 

P  trait 

443  Cil  le  braca  et  estreinst  vers  soi ;  39 


237  Par  tut  le  bois  out  si  grant  cri, 

D  L  esperi 

238  Ke  la  dame  sen  eveilli: 

243  Pur  la  pour  ses  oilz  overit, 

244  Une  Jiambe  vit,  ki  issit 
Fors  de  la  buche  son  marri. 
Ore  entendez  kele  dit. 
Tant  I'embrasca  e  trest  vers  sei, 
Kil  sesveilla 

*  *  Sire,  * '  fet  ele,  *  *  vus  ardez : 
**  Esveillez  vus  si  vus  volez. 
**  De  vostre  buche  une  flambe  ist : 


245 
250 

256 
251 
252 


444 
445 
446 

447 
448 

449 
450 

451 
452 

453 


**  Bele  amie,'''  fet  il,  ^*pur  quoi 
**Estes  vus  issi  efFree  ? 
**  ^i  vus  ad  issi  espoentee  /"' 
**Sire,"  fet  ele,  *Meo  sungai; 
"  Lauision  vus  conterai." 
Conte  li  ad  et  coneu, 
Del  feu  li  dist  qele  ad  veu 
Qui  de  sa  bouche  venoit  fors, 
Ele  quidoit  qe  tut  son  cors 
Fust  allume,  pur  ceo  cria. 


255  Tant  P embrasca  e  trest  vers  sei, 

256  Kil  sesveilla,  e  dist:    "Purquei, 

257  *  *  Pur  quei  mavez  eveille  bele  amie  : 

258  *  *  Pur  quei  estes  espontie  ? ' ' 

259  Tant  la  preia,  e  tant  la  blandist, 

260  Kele  li  conta  tut,  et  regehit 

261  De  la  Jiambe,  e  del  avision 

262  Kele  out  veu  de  son  baron. 


Variants  of  Ms,  P 


43  I   firent)  feseient. 
432   quil)  ke. 

434  sen  esperi)  sessperi. 

435  Del  sunge  ot  grant  pour. 

436  greindre)  plus. 

438  li)  sun  seignur. 

439  trest)  traist. 

440  le  esueilla)  sesueilla. 


442  Alas  ia  tut  estez  alumez. 

443  estreinst)  trait. 

445  issi)  si. 

446  espoentee)  espunte. 
448  Lauision)  ma  uisiun. 

450  Tel  fu  li  dit  kele  out  veue. 

453  allume)  en  lumme. 


39  These  descriptions  are  almost  word  for  word  the  same,  and  the  few  touches 
that  have  made  F  vary  in  an  occasional  detail  are  very  evidently- the  author's  own  : 
cf.  426.  Cuaran  is  not  cowardly;  his  fear  is  more  for  Argentille ;  lines  431  — 
432  only  elaborate  the  statement  of  430;  in  443,  instead  of  Cuaran's  being 
awakened  by  Argentille' s  embraces,  the  author  of  jp  represents  him  as  startled  by 
her  cry  of  fright,  whereupon  he  embraces  and  soothes  her;  lines  452-453  explain 
Argentine's  cry  of  fright.  Cf.  454  of  F,  reconforta,  with  Gaimar's  respondi; 
cf  259  of  G  with  447-448  oi  F  in  which  Argentille  begins  to  tell  her  dream 
without  being  urged. 


1^ 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

454  Cuaran  la  reconforta, 
P  **Dame" 

455  *  *  Beky ' '  fet  ily  *  *  ne  dot  ex  rien  ; 

456  **  Cest  bon  au  vostre  vs  et  au  mien. 

457  **La  vision  qe  auez  veue 

458  **  Demain  poet  estre  conue. 

459  **  Li  rois  doit  safeste  tenir, 

460  **  Toux  ses  barons  i  fet  venir. 

461  *^Veneison  i  aver  a  as  sex; 

P  des  granz  lardez 

462  **  leo  dorr  a  i  hastes  et  lardex 

463  **As  esquiers  a  grant  plente, 

464  **Et  as  valex  qui  mont  ame, 

465  **Li  esquier  sont  li  goupily 

466  **Et  li  garcon  qi  sont  plus  vil  ;4o 

467  **Et  li  ours  fut  des  hier  occisy 

468  **  Et  en  nostre  quisine  mis.41 

469  **Deus  tors  fist  hui  le  roi  beiter, 

470  *^Pur  les  leons  les  pus  center; 

471  **Les  ploms  poom  mettre  pur  mier 

472  **Dont  le  feu  fet  lewe  monter. 

473  **Dite  vus  at  lauision ; 

474  **Ne  soiez  mes  en  suspecion. 

475  **Le  feu  qi  ma  bouche  getta,42 

476  **  Bien  vus  dirrai  qui  ceo  serra ;  43 

477  '*  Nostre  quisine  ardera,  ceo  crei ; 


GAIMAR 

263    Cuheran  len  respondi: 

267  **Damey'^  dist  il,  ** co  serra  bien, 

268  **Anbure  a  vostre  oesy  e  al  mien. 


270  *^Li  reis  tendra  demain  safeste; 

271  "Mult  i  aver  a  de  ses  barons. 

272  "Cerfsy  e  cheverelsy  e  veneisons, 

277  **Des  bons  lardex  e  de  braunsy 

276  **Les  esquiers  ferai  manant 

279  "Zr/  esquier  me  sunt  aclin, 

281  **Cil  signefient  li  gopil 

283    **E  lurs  est  morty  hier  fu  oscis ; 

285  **Dous  tors  i  ad  pur  les  leons ; 

286  **E pur  la  mery  pernum  les  pluins, 

287  **[/  lewe  monte  come  mery 
**Damey  la  vision  est  dite.''^ 
**Uncore  avant  me  dites,  sire, 
**Quei  icel  fu  put  espeleir, 
**  Ken  vostre  buche  vi  ardeir  ?  '* 
"Dame,"  distil,  **nesaike  dait: 
**  Mes  en  dormant  si  me  deceit." 


290 
292 

293 
294 
295 
296 


454  reconforta)  conforta. 

455  Bele)  Dame. 

456  al,  al)  au,  au.      vs)  oes. 
462  hastes  et)  des  granz. 
464  qui  mont)  que  mult. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

467  hier)  er. 

469  fist)  fit.     hui)  omitted. 
471    ploms)  plums,      mier)  mer. 
474  soiez)  seez. 


40  This  line  is  perhaps  added  for  the  sake  of  the  rhyme.  Gaimar  has  :  Dunt 
vus  songastes  ;  co  sunt  il :  possibly  for  the  same  reason. 

41  Line  468  o(  F  is  probably  the  invention  of  the  author,  since  G  has  En  un 
bois  fu  salvage  pris. 

42  The  latter  part  of  the  description  varies  a  little.  The  author  of/'  omits 
here,  as  elsewhere,  the  urging  on  the  part  of  the  hearer  with  which  Gaimar 
introduces  information.  Cf.  292-294  of  G.  Then,  before  following  in  general 
the  reply  found  in  Gaimar  about  the  flame,  the  author  of  F  adds  Havelok's  alle- 
gorical interpretation  of  the  fire  to  complete  his  natural  explanation  of  the  dream. 

43  From  475  to  538  /'again  difi^ers  entirely  from  G.  This  passage  is  gener- 
ally attributed  to  the  author  of  Fy  who  in  this  way  avoids,  in  some  degree,  the 
abruptness  of  the  question  as  to  Havelok's  home  and  parentage  found  in  G. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


11 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

478  **Si  en  ert  en  peine  et  en  efFrei 

479  **De  porter  fors  nos  chaudrons 

480  **Et  nos  pieles  et  nos  ploms ; 

481  **Et  nepuroec  ne  quier  mentir, 

482  *'De  ma  bouche  soelt  feu  is  sir 

483  '*^ant  ieo  me  dorm,  ne  sai  pur- 
quei; 

484  '^Issi  mauienty  ceo  peise  mei." 

48  5        DEL  SOUNGE  lessent  atant, 

486  Puis  se  endorment  li  enfant ; 

487  Mes  lendemain  la  matinee, 

488  Quant  Argentine  fut  leuee, 

489  Vn  chamberlenc  qui  fut  od  li, 

490  Qui  son  piere  auoit  nurri, 

49 1  La  vision  dist  et  conta  ; 
Icil  a  bien  la  tourna. 
Puis  li  ad  dit,  **  En  Lindesie 
**  Estoit  vns  homs  de  seinte  vie  ; 
**Heremite  fut,  en  hois  manoit. 
*'  Sa  lui  parlast,  il  lui  dirroit 
**Del    sounge,    quel   ceo   porroit 
estre  ; 

*'  Car  Dieu  lamoit,  si  ert  prestre. " 
**Amis,"  fet  ele,  **mult  te  croi. 
**  Pur  amour  Dieu  !   vien  od  moi. 
**A  eel  heremite  voil  parler, 
"Si  tu  i  voels  od  moi  aler." 
Cil  li  otrie  bonement 

504  Que  od  lui  irra  priueement. 

505  Vne  chape  li  afFubla, 

506  Al  heremitage  la  mena, 

507  Al  seint  home  la  fist  parler, 

508  Et  son  corage  tut  mustrer 

509  Del  songe  dont  ele  out  poour. 


492 
493 
494 
495 
496 

497 

498 

499 
500 
501 
502 
503 


297  <  <  Treskejo  dorm,  ma  buche  esprent, 

298  **De  la  Jlambe  nient  ne  me  sent. 

300  **Ke  CO  mavient  en  dormant.''^ 

299  Veires  jo  en  ai  hunte  mult  grant. 


Variants 

of  Ms. 

478   E  io  serrai  en  efFrei. 

491 

479  fors)  hors. 

492 

481    Et)  mes.      quier)  quer. 

493 

482   soelt)  soleit. 

494 

483   me)  men. 

495 

485   atant)  aitant. 

497 

486  se  endorment)  sen  dormirent. 

498 

487  lendemain)  el  demein.    matinee) 

500 

matine. 

502 

489  qui)  omitted,      fut)  fui. 

508 

490  Ke  li  Reis  sun  piere  norri. 

p 

La)  Sa. 

la)  li. 

Pus  li  cunta  quen  Lindesie. 

Estoit)  Dut.      seinte)  hone. 

Heremite)  Hermites. 

quel)  que.      porroit)  put. 

Dieu)  Deus.      ert)  fu. 

vien)  ven. 

tu  i  voels)  uoleies. 

E  sauenture  recunter. 


78 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

510  Et  de  la  bouche  son  seignour 

5 1 1  Dont  ele  auoit  le  feu  veu, 

5 1 2  Mes  ne  sauoit  qui  ceo  fu. 

5  1 3  Par  charite  li  quiert  et  prie 

514  Qil  la  conseilt,  si  len  die 

5  I  5  Son  auis  et  sa  volente. 

5 1 6  Li  heremites  ad  suspire, 

5 1 7  A  Dieu  comence  soreison, 

5 1 8  Puis  li  dist  de  lauision  : 

519  «*Bele,"  fet  il,  **ceo  qe  sunge  as 

520  **De  ton  baron,  tu  le  verras. 

521  **I1  est  ne  de  real  lignage, 

522  **  Oncore  auera  grant  heritage, 

523  "Grant  gent  fra  vers  li  encline, 

524  *<I1  serra  roi  et  tu  reyne. 

525  "Demande  li  qi  fut  son  piere, 

526  **  Et  sil  ad  sorour  ne  frere  ; 

527  **  Puis  si  meint  en  lur  contree  ; 

528  **Iloec  orras  la  destinee 

529  **Dont  ert  nez  et  dont  il  est. 

530  **Et  Dieu  del  ciel  vertu  te  prest, 

531  **  Et  te  dount  tieu  chose  oir, 

532  **  Que  te  pusse  a  bien  reuertir  !  " 

533  Argentine  conge  demande, 

534  EtliseinzhomsaDieulacomande. 

535  Ele  senuet  a  son  seignur, 

536  Priueement  et  par  amur 

537  Le  demande  ou  il  ert  nez, 

538  Et  ou  estoit  sis  parentez. 

539  '*Dame,^^  fet  ily  ** a  Grimesby ; 

540  **La  les  less  at  quant  ieo  vine  ci.^^ 


541    *  *  Grim  lepeschere  est  mon piere  ;  45 


GAIMAR 


306  **Amis,  u  est  li  ton  linage?  " 

307  *  *  Damey ' '  fet  il,  *  *  a  Grimes  by  : 

308  **Diloc  turnai  quant  jo  vine  ci, 

365  *  *  f  /  laissai 

366  **Mun  parente  quant  men  turnai. 
369  **Grimfud  mis  pere,  un  peschur. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

514  si  len)  e  si  li.  529  Dunt  il  fu  nez  e  quil  est. 

519  sunge  as)  sungat.  530  te)  vus. 

520  baron)  marri.  tu)tut.  531  tieu)  tel. 
523  fra)  ferra.  encline)  acline.  537  ou)  dunt. 
525  son  piere)  ces  peres.  540  ci)  issi. 

527  Puis  si)  E  kil  te.  541  mon  piere)  mes  pere. 

44  Lines  538-556  of -F  represent  Gaimar's  details  again,  and  very  closely  fol- 
low the  wording  of  his  text. 

45  The  difference  in  tense  in  541-542  of  Z'  and  369—370  of  G  is  noteworthy  ; 
the  lines  are  in  other  respects  very  similar,  though  in  G  Havelok  uses  them  in 
speaking  to  Kelloc. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


79 


542 
P 
543 
544 
545 
546 

547 


THE   LAI  D   HAVELOC 

**Saburcad norif  ceo  quid,  ma  mere. 

Amis 

**Sire, ' '  fet  ele,  *  *  aloms  querre, 

« *  Si  deliuerom  au  roi  sa  terre  46 

**Dont  il  mad  exille  a  tort, 

**  Et  vus  et  moi,  sil  si  demoert ; 

**Mieuz  voil  aillors  estre  mendiuey 


les    miens    estre 


548  **Qe    entre 
cheidue." 

549  Coaran  It  ad  responduy 

550  **Dame,  tost  i  serroms  venu 


55 


Volenters  vus  merrai  od  moi. 


552  ^^Alom  prendre  conge  au  roi.'''' 

553  Si  firent  il  par  matin, 

554  Puis  se  mistrent  au  chimin  ; 

555  Les  ii.  fiz  Grim  amenerent, 

556  A  Grimes  by  sen  alerent. 

557  Mes  li  prodoms  estoit  finiz  4^ 

558  E  la  dame  qis  out  nurriz. 

559  Kelloc  sa  fille  iont  trouee  ; 

560  Vn  marchant  lout  esposee. 

561  II  saluerent  le  seignur, 

562  Si  parlerent  a  lur  sorour. 

563  II  li  demandent  de  lur  piere, 

564  Coment  le  fesoit  lur  miere. 

565  Ele  lur  ad  dit  qe  mort  estoient. 


GAIMAR 

370   *  *  Ma  mere  ot  nun  Sebrugy  sa  uxor. 
3  1 1    *'AmiSy ' '  feit  ele,  **  car  i  atom. 


303  **Mielz  nus  vendreit  estre  exillez 

304  **  Entre  aliens,  e  enpairez, 

305  **Ke  ci  gisir  en  tel  hontage. 
D  L  Cuaran 

315  Dist  Cuheran: 

316  **U  seit  saver,  u  seit  folic, 

317  **Jo  ferai  co  ke  vus  volez.47 

318  **  La  vus  merrai  si  vus  me  loez.  *' 

D  L  querre 

321  Al  rei  vindrenty  querent  conge. 

3  1 9  La  nut  jurent,  treskal  cler  jur  : 

320  Lendemain  vont  a  lur  seignur. 

334  Cuaran  e  les  dous  fiz  Grims  ; 

329  Ore  sen  vunt  cil  a  Grimesbi; 


332  La  fille  Grim  celui  aveit.49 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


542  Saburc)  Sebur.     ceo  quid)  co  ki. 

543  Sire)  Amis,     querre)  les  quere. 
546  E  vus  e  mei  het  il  amort. 

552  au  roi)  al  rei. 

553  par)  ben  par. 


555  amenerent)  od  eus  menerent. 

556  sen)  tut  dreit. 
563   Li)  omitted. 

565   Ele    .    .    .    dit)  E  e  lur  dient. 
mort)  morz. 


46  A  slight  variation  in  the  description  is  the  mention  of  the  giving  up  of  the 
kingdom  to  Alsi.      The  fact  is  the  same  in  G,  but  it  is  not  commented  upon. 

47Havelok  yields  to  Argentille  without  showing  the  hesitation  noted  by  G 
(317).  The  author  of  F  omits  mention  of  Edelsi's  jests,  but  in  another  part  he 
notes  jests  of  the  king  not  mentioned  in  G. 

48  Mes  li  prodoms  estoit  finiz.  This  is  a  point  of  divergence  between  F  and 
G  which  has  caused  much  comment.  In  G  Grim  and  Seburc  had  died  before 
Havelok  left.      In  F  he  learned  of  their  death  from  Kelloc. 

49  Celui  refers  to  Alger,  the  bon  ami  of  330. 


8o 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

566  Et  li  entrant  grant  doel  fesoient. 

567  Kelloc  appella  Coarant, 

568  Si  li  demanda  en  riant, 

569  **Amis,"  fet  il,  **par  ta  foi ! 

570  **  Ceste  femme  quest  od  toi, 

571  "Quiestele?  mult  par  est  bele. 

572  "Est  ele  dame  ou  damoisele?'* 

573  "Dame,"  fet  il,  "rois  Alsi, 

574  **^e  at  lungement  ai  seruiy 

575  **La  me  dona  des  lautre  ior. 

576  **Sa  niece  est,  fille  de  sa  sorour, 

577  **  Fille  est  au  roi  de  grant  parage; 

578  "Mes  il  a  tout  son  heritage." 

579  Kelloc  oit  qe  cil  li  dist, 

580  Merueillouse  pite  li  prist, s^ 

581  De  ceo  qe  fiz  a  roi  estoit, 

582  Et  de  la  femme  qil  auoit. 

583  Haueloc  auant  appella^ 

584  Et  a  consail  li  demanda 

585  Qui  fiz  il  ert,  sil  le  sauoit, 

586  Si  son  parente  conoissoit. 

587  //  //  respont:  * '  Grimfut  mon  piere, 

588  **  Tu  es  ma  soer,  cist  sont  mi  frere 

589  "Qui  sont  ci  od  moi  venu  ; 

590  **Bien  sat  qe  nostre  soer  es  tu. ' '  52 

591  Kelloc  li  disty  *^  Nest  pas  is  si. 

592  **Bien  te  ciele,  si  ieo  le  te  di.^'i 


335   E  il  (Alger)  sot 5°  de  la  fille  al  rei. 


592    TJn  rei  servi  u  jo  alai ; 

596  E  ceste  dame  iert  sa  parente. 

597  Si  cum  lui  plut  la  me  donad. 


359  A  tant  ape  lent  Haveloc , 

360  E  Argentine  vint  avoc. 


363 
364 
369 

372 
373 
376 


'Amis,"  funt  il,  "  dunt  es  tu  nez: 
'En  quel  liu  est  tis  parentez?" 
'  Grim  fud  mis  perCy  un  peschur, 
'  Mes  dous  freres  od  mei  menai. 
'  Ore  eimes  granz,  revenuz  sumes, 
'Bien  sai  tu  es  nostre  sorur. ' ' 
377  Respont  Kelloc:  "  Tut  i  ad  el: 
399   **Mes  celez  ben  vostre  segrei: 


566  entrant)  enfant,      doel)  dul. 

570  quest)  que  uait. 

573  Alsi)  Edelsi. 

576  de)  omitted. 

578  il  a)illi. 

580  Merueillouse)  Merueile. 

583  Haueloc)  sun  seignur. 


nts  of  Ms. 

P 

584 

Et  a)  par  sun. 

585 

ert)  fu. 

586 

conoissoit)  conusseit. 

587 

mon)  mi. 

588 

soer)  sorur. 

592 

Ben  le  seil  sil 

iolte  di, 

5°  G  does  not  give  details  of  Havelok's  story  as  told  to  Argentille,  though  we 
know  from  335  that  Havelok  made  the  explanation.  An  account  similar  to  that 
of  569-578  of  F  is  found  in  G,  592-598,  where  Havelok  gives  the  same  infor- 
mation to  Sygar  less  explicitly. 

5^  Only  the  author  of  F  comments  on  Kelloc' s  feeling  of  pity  for  Havelok. 
He  omits  the  controversy  of  G  in  which  Kelloc  and  her  husband  decide  to  tell 
Havelok  of  his  rank. 

52  In  F  Havelok's  speech  is  shorter  than  in  G  and  he  does  not  mention  Seburg. 

53  Kelloc  cautions  Havelok  not  to  tell  his  secret,  just  as  she  does  in  G. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


8i 


THE   LAI  D   HAVELOC 

593  **Fai  ta  femme  auant  venir  ;  54 

594  **Et  toi  et  lui  ferai  ioir 

595  **  Q^i  ^^  ^^  ^^>  ^^^  ^^  ^^  dirrai,S5 

596  "  La  verite  ten  conterai. 

597  ^ *  Ton  pier e  fut  Gonter  li  roisy^^ 

598  **j^z  sire  fut  sur  les  Dariois ; 

599  '*Hodulf  loccist  par  traison, 

600  **  Qui  tuz  iors  out  le  queor  felon. 

P  Odolf 

601  <*Li  rois  Arthur  Hodulf  fefFa 

602  **Et  Danemarche  li  dona. 

P  nostre 

603  **  Grim  vostre  piere  senfuit, 

604  **  Pur  toi  garrir  terre  guerpit. 

605  **Ta  miere  fut  en  mier  perie ; 

606  ^*Car  nostre  nieffut  assaillie 

P  encontrerent 

607  **Z)(?  outlaghesy  qi  nus  saisirent. 

P  tuerent 

608  **  Li  plus  de  nostre  gent  i  perirent. 


609    **  Nous  eschapames  de  la  mort,57 


GAIMAR 

360   (E  Argentine  vint  avoc. ) 


400  **Fus  fustes  Jiz  a  un  bon  ret, 
403    <*Z,z  vostre  per e  out  nun  Gunter ; 

401  ^^Danemarche  out  par  heritage. 


523  Cist  reis  (Odulf )  ki  done  ert  el 

pais. 

417  **Ki  Artur  volt,  dona  le  terre. 

423  **  Mis  pere  aveit  mult  bon  nef ; 

424  **  La  raine  amenout  suef : 
428  **  En  mer  furent  trestuz  ruez 
430  **  E  la  raine  ensemcnt. 


583    De  uthlages  sumes  asaillix, 

428  *'En  mer  furent  trestuz  ruez 

429  **  Nos  chevalers,  e  nostre  gent. 

586  Jo  guari,  ne  sai  en  quele  guise ; 

587  E  li  prodom  en  eschapa. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


593   Ore  fai  ta  feme  sauenir. 

595  le)  omitted. 

596  ten)  vus. 

597  Tes  peres  fu  Gunters  li  reis. 

598  sire)  sires. 

599  Hodulf)  Odolf. 


600  Quant  sur  li  uindrent  li  Bretun. 

601  fefFa)  ama. 
603  vostre)  nostre. 

606  nief )  nef. 

607  saisirent)  encuntrerent. 

608  i  perirent)  tuerent. 


54  593  takes  the  place  of  360  of  G,  which  introduced  Argentille  earlier. 

55  Kelloc's  speech  in  F  is  better  ordered  than  in  G.  She  tells  Havelok's 
origin  and  early  history  first  and  then  of  her  plan  for  him.  In  G  she  tells  that 
Grim  is  not  his  father,  and  after  saying  that  a  ship  has  just  arrived  from  Denmark 
and  advising  him  to  return  vv^ith  it,  she  tells  him  his  story. 

56  The  close  similarity  of  these  two  passages  is  to  be  noted. 

57  This  account  of  the  pirates'  attack  is  found  twice  in  G  and  three  times  in  F. 
The  first  description  of  it  in  the  latter  poem  is  more  detailed  (106-120),  and 
corresponds  to  G  (425-433)  where  Kelloc  states  the  same  facts  briefly.  606 
and  609  of  F  echo  583  and  587  of  Havelok's  speech  to  Sygar  in  G.  It  is  also 
interesting  to  note  that  609  of  F  repeats  in  the  first  person  i  2 1  of  the  same  poem, 
and  that  613  and  614  repeat  exactly  140  and  136. 


82 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

610  **Ci  ariuames  a  cest  port. 

6 1 1  **Ne  vout  mon  piere  auant  aler, 

612  **Ici  li  estoet  demorer. 

613  **Sus  cest  hauene  se  herberga, 

614  **Sile  vendit  et  achata, 

61  5  **Mult  se  pena  de  toi  nurrir 

616  **Et  de  celer  et  de  couerir, 

617  "  Pouerement  estoit  vestuz, 

618  *'Qe  ne  flissez  aparceu. 

619  **Nout  si  hardi  en  sa  maison 

620  **  Qui  osast  dire  ton  droit  non  ; 

621  **Haueloc  auez  a  non,  amis.s^ 

P  El  pais 

622  **Si  aler  voillez  en  vostre  pais. 


623  '*Mon  seignur  vus  i  conduiera,59 

624  "Dedenz  sa  nef  vus  passera. 

625  "Lautrer  en   vint,    nad   mie  vn 
mois  ; 

626  **Assez  oit  qe  li  Danois 

627  *  *  Vus  voudroient  entre  eus  tenir ;  ^o 

628  '*  Car  mult  se  fet  li  rois  hair. 


629 
630 


61 


Fn  prodome  ad  en  la  terre 
Qui  touz  iors  ad  vers  li  guerre 


GAIMAR 

437    **En  cest  pais  quant  arivames. 


380  **Grim  vendi  sel,  si  fu  peschere. 


421  "Co  estes  vus,  si  cum  jo  crei 

422  **Danz  Haveloc,  le  fiz  le  rei. 

388  **Si  vus  volez  od  els  aler, 

389  **Jo  quid  kil  irrunt  el  pais 

390  **  U  sunt  vos  parenz,  e  vos  amis. 


459   *  *  En  Danemarche  fud  le  autreer. 


460 
461 
462 

527 
528 
505 


**E  a  plusurs  oid  preier, 
'*Sil  vus  trovast  ke  venissiez. 
**E  le  pais  chalengissez. 
II  out  a  nun  Odulf  le  reis  ; 
Mult  fud  haiz  de  ses  Daneis. 
Hoc  maneit  uns  riches  horn. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


620  Vostre  dreit  nun  nus  chang- 
ames)  E  Cuarant  vus  appellames. 

621  auez)  ad. 

622  Se  aler  volez  el  pais. 

623  Mon  seignur)  mis  sires. 


624  Dras  e  uiande  vus  dora. 

625  mie)  pas. 
627   Vus)  Te. 

629  prodome)  riche  home. 

630  Vers  ki  li  reis  ad  tuz  iorz  guere. 


58  This  point  was  insisted  upon  by  the  author  (147—148).  The  additional 
detail  of  617— 618,  that  Havelok  was  poorly  clad  in  order  not  to  attract  attention, 
belongs  wholly  to  F, 

59  Some  details  of  the  advice  about  the  return  to  Denmark  vary  in  F.  623— 
624  show  that  Kelloc's  husband  himself  is  to  escort  them.  In  G  (383  ff. )  we 
find  :  Hier  arivat  leus  al  port,  Un  grant  kenart,  e  bon  e  fort.  Pain  e  char  menied, 
e  vin  e  ble  ;  Di  eel  unt  il  mult  grant  plente.  Ultre  la  mer  volent  passer.  Si  vus 
volez  od  els  aler,  Jo  quid  kil  irrunt  el  pais  U  sunt  vos  parenz,  e  vos  amis.  Si 
vus  volez  od  els  aler,  Nus  les  vus  purrum  bien  aluer.  In  463  she  advises  him  to 
take  the  two  valets  and  promises  that  she  and  her  husband  will  follow  if  he  sends 
for  them.      The  tone  of  F  is  more  courtly  in  this  passage. 

^  Here  also  the  ideas  are  similar. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  83 

THE   LAI   d'hAVELOC  GAIMAR 

P  Estal  D  L  Lestarle 

631  ^^  Sigar  Lestal  est  appelkzy^^  506   Sigar  Estalre  aveit  nun  : 

632  '*A  lui  looms  qe  vus  alez ; 

633  ♦*  II  ad  vne  vostre  parente, 

634  **  Que  pur  vus  est  souent  dolente 

635  **  Qele  ne  poet  nouele  oir. 

636  **Car  desqa  eus  porrez  venir, 

637  **Oncore  auerez  vos  heritez  ;  468    **Si  Deu  vus  rent  vos  heritez." 

638  *^Ces  n.  valez  od  vus  merrex.'*^  398    **Vos  dous  vallez  od  vus  merrez; 

639  Argentine,  quant  ele  loit,^^ 

640  Mult  durement  sen  esioit ; 

641  A  eus  promet  foi  et  amur; 

642  Si  Dieu  la  mette  a  honur,  472   Si  Deus  nus  rent  nos  heritez  : 

643  Grant  bien  lur  fera,  ceo  dit.  470  **  Nus  vus  rendrum  mult  bonluer; 

644  Puis  ni  out  gaires  de  respit ; 

645  Lur  nief  tost  apresterent, 

646  Vers  Danemarche  mer  passerent. 

647  QUANT  IL  sont  el  pais  venu,  496  Ken  Denemarche  sunt  arive. 

648  Et  de  la  nief  a  terre  issu/3 

649  Li  marchant  qis  amena  ^4 


Fariants  of  Ms,  P 

631  Lestal)  Estal.  641  A  eus)  Assez. 

632  looms)  loum.  642  la  mette  a)  les  met  a  nul. 

633  vostre)  tue.  643  mult  lur  fra  grant  ben  co  dit. 

634  pur  vus)  pur  tei,  644  ni  out)  iout. 

636  Car)  Si.      porrez)  poez.  645  Lur  nef  e  lur  eire  aturnerent, 

637  vos)  vostre.  647  el  pais)  a  la  terre. 

638  merrez(  menez.  648  a  terre)  omitted. 

^'f  In  G  no  mention  of  Sygar  is  made  to  Havelok  before  he  lands  in  Denmark. 
In  F  he  is  described  in  43-46,  and  then  again  in  628-637.  The  description, 
however,  does  not  differ  in  fact  from  that  given  in  G  later,  although  630,  632- 
636  belong  only  to  the  author  of  F. 

62  Two  lines  in  F  are  devoted  to  Argentine's  joy.  Gaimar  gives  a  description 
of  the  ship,  provisions,  the  clothes  given  Havelok  and  his  wife,  and  the  journey. 

^3  This  seems  to  be  a  favorite  phrase.      Cf.   123—124. 

64  The  merchant's  part  in  F  seems  to  be  a  combination  of  that  of  Alger  and 
the  merchant  of  G.  Kelloc  told  Havelok  that  her  husband  (the  merchant  of  560) 
would  accompany  him  to  Denmark.  Her  husband  has  no  name  in  F.  In  Den- 
mark the  merchant  of  F,  while  fulfilling  the  part  of  Gaimar' s  merchant,  still  has 
traits  of  Alger.  He  provides  Havelok  with  clothes,  a  thing  which  Alger  and 
Kelloc  had  done  in  G.  He  gives  them  minute  instructions,  telling  them  to  go 
and  eat  at  Sygar's  table.  G  has  only  an  obscure  reference  to  a  meal  at  Sygar's 
later  in  the  poem.  In  F  the  scene  (670-682)  is  foreshadowed  in  the  directions 
of  the  merchant.  This  entire  speech  takes  the  place  of  geographical  and  historical 
information  about  Denmark  and  Hodulf  in  G,  a  part  of  which  had  already  been 
given  in  i^  (625-631). 


84 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D»HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

650  De  bons  draz  les  atourna, 

651  Puis  lur  enseigne  qil  feront 

652  Et  a  quiele  ville  il  turner onty 

653  A  la  cite  eel  seneschal, 

654  ^e  lorn  appelle  Sigar  Lestal 

655  **Haueloc,"  fet  il,  **beaus  amis, 

656  ** Quant  tu  vendras  a  son  pais, 

657  **En  son  chastel  va  herberger, 

658  **  Et  a  sa  table  va  manger, 

659  **Par  charite  quier  le  conrei ; 

660  **Ta  femmemeine ensemble  odtei, 

661  **Assez  tost  te  demanderont, 

662  **  Far  la  beaute  qen  lui  verront, 

663  **  Qui  tu  es,  et  de  quiele  contree, 

664  **Et  qi  tiele  femme  tad  donee.'' 

665  II  senpartent  del  marchant, 

666  Si  tienent  lur  chemin  auant. 

667  Tant  ont  trauaille  et  erre, 

668  Quil  paruienent  a  la  cite 

669  La  ou  le  seneschal  manoit ; 

670  Au  chastel  alerent  tut  droit ; 

671  Le  riche  home  en  la  curt  trouerent, 

672  Far  charite  li  demanderent 

673  Le  conroi  qil  lur  otriast, 

674  Et  qanuit  les  herbergast. 

675  Li  senescaus  le  lur  granta ; 

676  Dedenz  la  sale  les  mena. 

677  Quant  fut  houre  del  manger, 

678  Et  qe  tuz  alerent  lauer, 

679  Li  prodoms  a  manger  sassist, 

680  Les  iii.  valez  seeir  i  fist,65 


GAIMAR 


498   A  une  vile  sen  alerent 

505  Hoc  maneit  uns  riches  horn, 
507   Seneschal  fu  al  rei  Gunter, 

D  L  Lestarle 

506  Sigar  Est  a  Ire  aveit  nun: 


501  Les  marchanz  sunt  tuz  remes, 

502  Od  lur  herneis,  es  dous  nefs, 

498  A  une  vile  sen  alerent. 

505  Hoc  maneit  uns  riches  horn, 

507  Seneschal  ^M  al  rei  Gunter. 


Variants  of  Ms. 

650  bons)  noueaus. 

671 

651    enseigne)  enseigna. 

674 

653   cite)  curt,      del)  al. 

675 

654  Que  lom)  Kem. 

656  a) en. 

676 

657  En)  A. 

677 

659  quier)  quer. 

679 

661-662  Transposed  in  P. 

680 

668  paruienent)  par  uindrent. 

riche  home)  seignur.     la)  sa. 

qanuit)  ke  la  nuit. 

senescaus)  senechal.    le)  omitted. 

granta)  ottreia. 

Dedenz)  En.      mena)  enueia. 

Tant  ke  ore  fu  de  digner. 

prodoms  a)  sire  a  sun. 

seeir  fist)  asser  fit. 


65  This  scene  belongs  to  F  only,  but  the  facts  on  which  it  is  based  may  be 
gathered  from  Gaimar's  description  of  the  attack.      In  531  he  says  the  six  valets 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

68 1  Argentille  lez  son  seignur ; 

682  Serui  furent  a  grant  honur. 

683  Li  bacheler  et  li  esquier 

684  Qui  seruirent  au  manger 

685  La  bele  dame  ont  esgardee 

686  Et  sa  beaute  forment  loee. 

687  En  vne  part  se  turnent  sis ; 

688  Ensemble  ont  lur  consail  pris 

689  Qau  valet  sa  femme  toudront ; 

690  Sil  sencoruce,  si  le  bateront. 

69 1  QUANT  IL  leuerent  del  manger, 

692  Li  valez  se  vont  herberger. 

693  Li  senescaus  les  fet  mener 

694  A  vn  ostel  pur  reposer. 

695  Cil  qui  la  dame  ont  coueitee, 

696  ^i  mult  ert  bele  et  ens  eigne  ey 

697  Apres  eus  vont  en  vne  rue  ;^^ 

698  Au  valet  ont  sa  femme  tolue ; 

699  Od  eus  leussent  enmenee^ 

700  ^ant  Haueloc  ad  recoueree 

701  Fne  hache  trench  ante  et  dure, 

702  Ne  sai  par  quele  auenture 

703  Vn  de  ceus  la  tint  et  porta. ^7 

704  II  li  tolit,  si  sen  ala, 

705  Les  cink  en  ad  tue  et  occis.^^ 


533  Sis  bachelers  done  lasaillirent, 

5  3  I  Pur  sa  moillery  ke  trop  ert  bele. 

5  4 1  Cels  ad  ateint  en  la  ruele. 

534  Pris  tent  la  dame,  lui  ferirent ; 

537  Si  cum  il  sen  unt  od  sarnie, 

538  Danz  Have  Iocs  en  out  envie : 

539  Prent  une  hache  mult  trenchant, 

540  Ken  une  meison  trova  pendant; 
543  Treis  en  oscist,  dous  en  tua. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


684  au)  a  icel. 

685  bele  dame)  meschine.      ont)  vnt 
mult. 

686  loee)loe. 

687  En)  A.      se)  omitted. 

689  femme)  mie. 

690  sil  le)  cil. 

691  il  leuerent)  leue  furent. 

692  valez)  enfant,     se  vont)  sen  wnt. 


693   senescaus)  seneschals. 

699  enmenee)  tute  menee. 

700  quant)  Mes. 

702  par  quele)  cum  par  fete. 

704-707   E  il  li  tolli  e  sen  uenga. 
Les  sis  ad  mort  e  afolez, 
Li  uns  esteit  eschapez, 
Le  destre  poing  out  coupe. 


assailed  Havelok  :  Pur  sa  moiller,  ke  trop  ert  bele  ;  and  an  obscure  suggestion  of 
a  meal  may  be  found  in  669—671,  where  Sygar  says  to  Havelok,  Kore  vus  aim 
plus  ke  ne  fis  hier.  Quant  vus  asis  a  mon  manger. 

66  541  of  G  refers  to  Havelok's  pursuit  of  the  valets,  whereas  697  of  F  denotes 
their  attack  on  Havelok.  The  phrases  en  une  rue  and  en  la  ruelle,  however,  are 
the  same.      The  description  of  the  whole  attack  corresponds  closely  to  G. 

67  Gaimar  states  that  the  hache  was  found  hanging  in  a  house ;  the  author  of 
F  that  Havelok  took  it  from  an  assailant. 

68  These  two  lines  resemble  each  other  strikingly.  706  prepares  the  way  for 
724. 


86 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 


706 
707 
708 
709 
710 
711 
712 
713 


Li  vns  est  eschapez  vifs, 
Mes  qe  le  poign  out  coupe.  ^9 
Le  cri  lieue  en  la  citey 
Cil  senturnerent  en  fuiant, 
A  vn  mouster  vindrent  currant ; 
Pur  garison  i  sont  entre, 
Les  huis  ont  sus  eus  ferme. 
Haueloc  monta  en  la  tour y7° 

714  Cil  del  burg  lasseent  entour ; 

715  De  totes  parz  lont  assailli, 

P  mult  bien 

716  Et  il  bien  se  defendi ; 

717  Desur  le  meur  la  piere  prent,7i 

7 1 8  Aual  la  gette  ignielement. 

7 1 9  La  nouele  vint  au  chastel 

720  Au  seneschal,  qui  n'est  pas  bel, 

721  Qe  cil  quil  auoit  herberge 

722  Cine  de  ses  homes  out  tue, 

723  Et  li  sistes  est  afolez, 

724  Et  il  sen  est  eschapez; 

725  En  la  tour  del  mouster  sest  mis, 

726  Et  li  burgois  lont  assis. 

727  Mult  par  lassaillent  durement, 

728  Et  il  se  defent  asprement ; 

729  Les  quareus  de  la  tour  enrue ; 

730  Mulz  en  mahaigne,  plus  en  tue. 

731  Li  senescaus  cheual  demande, 

732  A  touz  ses  cheualers  comande 


544  ^  al  siste  le  poing  trencha  ; 

546  Es  vusy  le  cri  mult  criminel, 

547  Prist  ses  vallez  e  sa  moiller, 

548  Si  sen  entra  en  un  muster ; 

549  Per  ma  les  us,  pur  la  pour, 

550  Puis  monterent  sus  en  le  tur. 


553    Kar  cil  tres  bien  se  defendirent ; 
556   (Dan  Sygar)  Veit  cum  les  pieres 
vait  ruant. 


554  Blescied  i  erent  eels  kis  assailirent. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


708  lieue)leua. 

710  vindrent)  venent.      currant)  cor- 

ant. 
7 1  2   Pus  unt  lus  clos  e  ferme. 
714  burg)  burc.      lasseent)  le  seent. 

716  bien)  mult  ben. 

717  meur)  mur.      piere)  pere. 

718  ignielement)  uiuement. 

719  au)  al. 


721  is  followed  by  —  E  a  sa  table  aueit 
mange. 

722  tue)  tues. 
724  Omitted. 

727  par)  omitted. 

728  asprement)  mult  asprement. 

729  quareus)  karuels.   en  rue)  lur  rue. 

730  Mulz)  Mut.     mahaigne)  maime. 

731  senescaus)  riches  home,     cheual) 
cheuals. 


^  After  this,  according  to  G,  Havelok  starts  toward  his  ostel  with  his  wife. 

70  In  P  the  description  is  fuller  than  in  G. 

71  Gaimar  suggests  this  act  of  rolling  stones  later  in  his  brief  line  where  he 
states  that  Sygar  saw  them  falling  as  he  rode  up  (556).  In  F  the  author  de- 
scribes the  news  brought  to  Sygar,  and  his  departure,  but  he  adds  no  new  details. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


87 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

733  Q£  o^  ^i  augent  a  la  meslee 

734  Qs  ^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  leuee. 

735  Tut  primerain  vet  au  mouster, 

736  Et  vist  celui  si  bien  aider 

737  Qh^I  ^^s  fet  tuz  trere  arere, 

738  Chescun  se  doute  qil  nes  fiere. 

739  Li  senescaus  ala  auant  ; 

740  Vist  Haueloc  et  creu  et  grant, 72 

741  (Et  a  sa  table  auoit  mange, 73 

742  Ensemble  od  lui  out  este), 

743  Gent  cors  et  bele  feture, 

744  Lungs  braz  et  grant  furcheure. 

745  Ententiuement  lesgarda, 

746  De  son  seignur  li  remembra, 

747  Del  roi  GunteVy  qil  tant  ama  ; 

748  Anguissousement  suspira, 

749  Cil  le  resembloit  de  visage 

750  Et  de  grandeur  et  de  corsage. 

751  II  ad  fet  remaneir  lassaut 
Et  defent  qe  nuls  ni  aut ; 
Le  valet  ad  a  reson  mis  : 
"Negettez  mes,"  fet  il,  **amis: 
**  Triues  te  doun,  parole  a  moi ; 
**Lachaison  me  di  et  pur  quoi74 
**  Tu  as  mes  homes  issi  morz. 
**As  quieus  de  vus  en  est  li  torz  ?  " 


GAIMAR 


752 

753 
754 
755 
756 

757 
758 


555  Quant  Dan  Sigar  vint  puignant, 

556  Veit  cum  les  pieres  vait  ruant. 


559   ^ig^i^  l^  "^ity 


107  Bel  vis  a  veit,  e  bele  mains, 

108  Cors  eschevi,  suef  e  plains. 

559  .      .      .     si  lavisat; 

560  Del  rei  Guntier  dune  li  membrat: 

564  Que  quant  le  vit  tel  pitied  en  ot, 

565  Qua  mult  grant  paine  pot  parler. 
563  A  sun  seignur  resemblot, 

566  Tut  las  alt  ad  fait  cesser  : 


567   Peis  e  trues  lui  afia. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


733   meslee)  melle. 

735   primerain)  premereins.     au)  al. 

738   Chescun)  Chescuns.        nes)  nel. 

fiere)  fere. 
741-742   Omitted. 
743   cors)  cors  ot.      feture)  stature. 
745  lesgarda)  len  esgarda. 


750  corsage)  corage. 

751  lassaut)  les  essaut. 

752  defent)  defendi. 

754  gettez)  gette. 

755  Triues)  Trois.      doun)  doin. 

756  di  et)  diez. 

758  As  quieus)  E  a  quel,     en  est)  ert. 


72  The  author  of  F  used  the  same  words,  creu  et  grant,  also  in  178  and  285. 

73  The  insistence  of  the  author  of  F  on  the  table  episode  in  this  connection  is 
odd.  If  the  scene  had  been  described  in  his  source  as  he  had  already  described 
it,  why  mention  it  again  and  for  the  third  time  ? 

74  In  F  the  conversation  between  Sygar  and  Havelok  takes  place  on  the  spot ; 
the  first  question  concerns  the  actual  situation,  the  second,  Havelok' s  identity. 
In  G  the  procedure  is  less  natural  (567  fF. )  :  Peis  e  trues  lui  afia.  En  sa  sale  len 
amena,  Lui  e  sa  femme,  e  ses  compaienz,  Les  dous  vallez,  dunt  dis  ainz.  E 
quant  furent  aseurez,   Li  riches  hom  ad  demandez,   Ki  il  estait,  etc. 


88 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

759  **Sire,"  fet  il,  '*ieo  le  vus  dirrai, 

760  **  Que  ia  dun  mot  nen  mentirai. 

761  '*  Quant  nus  del  manger  turnames 

762  **  Oreinz  et  al  ostel  alames, 

763  **A  leisir  de  vostre  meson 

764  **  Me  pursuirent  li  garcon  ; 

765  "  Ma  femme  me  voudrent  tolir, 

766  **  Et  deuant  moi  od  lui  gisir, 

767  **Vne  de  lur  haches  saisi, 

768  **Et  moi  et  li  en  defendi. 

769  **Verite  est  qe  ieos  occis, 

770  **Mes  sur  moi  defendant  le  fis." 
-]-]  I  LES  SENESCHAUS  quant  il  oit 

772  Le  surfet  de  ceus,  li  respondit, 

773  "Amis,"  fet  il,  **venez  auant, 

774  **Si  ne  dotez  tant  ne  quant ; 

775  "Gardez  qe  pas  ne  vus  celez, 

776  **Dites  moi  dont  estes  nez.^^  7S 


GAIMAR 


777  ** 

778  - 

779  " 

780  " 

781  ** 

782  " 

783  ** 

784  " 

785  " 

786  *« 

787  - 

788  " 


Sire y'^  fet  il,  **de  c est  pais ; 
Ceo  me  conta  vns  mis  amis. 
Vn  riche  home,  qi  Grim  out  a  non 
Qui  me  nurrit  en  sa  maison. 
Puis  qe  la  regne  fut  conquis 
Et  mis  pieres  fut  occis. 
Ensemble  od  moi  et  od  ma  mere 
Menfui  puis  la  mort  mon  piere  ; 
Mult  enporta  or  et  argent.  76 
Par  mier  errames  lungement, 
De  outiaghes  fumes  assailli. 
Ma  mere  occistrent  et  ieo  garri. 


571  E  quant  fiirent  aseurez, 

572  Li  riches  hom  ad  demandez, 

573  Ki  il  est  ait,  e  com  ad  nun, 

577  **  Sire,''  fet  il,  *'ne  sai  ki  sui . 

578  En  cest  pais  quid  ke  nexfui, 

579  Un  mariner,  ki  Grim  out  nun. 


580  Men  men  at  petit  valetun. 

582  Com  venimes  en  halt  mer, 

583  De  uthlages  sumes  asailliz, 
585  Ma  mere  i  ert,  si fu  oscise ; 


760  Que  .   .   .   nen)  De  ren  ne  vus. 

761  nus  del)  de  nostre. 

762  Oreinz)  Or  ainz.    et)  omitted. 

763  A  leisir)  Al  issir. 

764  Me)  nus. 

765  voudrent)  voleient. 

768  en)  omitted. 

769  ieos)  io  les. 

771    Seneschaus)  seneschal,      quant  il 
oit)  li  respundit. 


Variants  of  Ms. 
772 


775 
775- 
777- 


784 
785 


Quant  le  sur  fet  de  ceus  oi. 

ne  vus)  nel  me. 

■776  Transposed. 

■781    Co  me  cunt  uns  meus  amis 

Ki  io  fu  ne  en  cest  pais 

Vns  riches  home  de  cest  pais 

Grim  ot  a  nun  qui  me  norris. 

Menfui)  Senfui. 

Muh)  Mut. 


75  Gaimar  adds  questions  as  to  Argentille  and  his  companions. 

76  The  author  o{  F  repeats  the  same  details  regarding  Grim's  station  that  have 
been  noted  before.     He  adds  now  that  gold  and  silver  were  taken  with  Havelok. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


89 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

789  '^Et  li  prodoms  sen  eschapa 

J  go  ''^i  me  nurrit  et  mult  mamaJ'J 

791  **  Quant  nostre  nief  fut  ariuee 

792  **En  vne  sauuage  contree, 

793  **  Li  prodoms  mansion  ileua, 

794  **Tut  primerement  si  herberga  ; 

795  **Assez  nus  troua  a  manger 

796  ''Par  vendre  siel  et  par  pescher. 7^ 

797  **Puis  iad  tant  de  gent  herberge, 

798  **Qe  ville  i  est  et  marche, 

799  **Pur  ceo  qe  Grim  lapelloit  lorn, 

800  **  Grimesby  ad  la  ville  a  non. 

801  ''^uant   ieo  fui  grant   ieo   men 
parti,n 

802  **En  la  maison  le  roi  Aelsi 

803  **Fui  souz  le  keus  en  la  quisine ; 


804  '*  II  me  dona  ceste  meschine; 

805  ''Sa  parente  ert;  ne  sai  purquei 

806  '*Il  assembla  et  lui  et  mei.^° 

807  **Ieo  lenmenai  fors  de  la  terrc. 

808  **Ore  sui  venu  mes  amis  quere ; 


809   **Ne  sai  ou  pusse  nul  trouer. 


GAIMAR 

586  Jo  guariy  ne  sai  en  quele  guise; 

587  E  li prodom  en  eschapa y 

588  Ki  me  nuri,  e  mult  mama: 


444 
380 


59 


789  prodoms)  prodome.      sen)  en. 

793  mansion)  maisun.    ileua)  idresca. 

794  primerement)  premereins.    si)  se. 

796  siel)  eel. 

797  de) omitted,  herberge)  herbergez. 

798  marche)  creu  marchez. 


•'Peison  eumes  a  manger; 
■'Grim  vendi  sel,  sifu  pes ch ere. 


(Grim  and  his  wife) 
^uantfurent  mort,  si  men  turnaiy 


592  Un  rei  servi  u  jo  alai; 

593  E  dous  vadlez  furent  od  mei 

594  Tant  cum  jo  fui  od  eel  rei; 

597  Si  cum  lui  plut  la  me  don  ad y 
596  E  ceste  dame  iert  sa  parente. 

598  E  ensemble  nus  espusad. 

599  Ci  sui  venud  en  cest  pais. 

606  II  (Alger)  me  load,  e  sa  muillier, 

607  Ci  a  venir,  mes  amis  querre 
609  Mes  jo  ne  sa  un  sui  nomer. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


799  lom)  horn. 

801  ieo  men)  de  lui. 

803  le)  les. 

807  fors)  hors. 

808  venu)  venus. 

809  pusse  nul)  en  pusse. 


77  These  passages,  F  786-790  and  G  582-588,  are  remarkably  alike. 

78  In  F  the  details  mentioned  in  123-142  are  again  repeated.  This  descrip- 
tion is  based  on  G  437-452,  with  additional  data  as  to  the  country  where  Grim 
landed  and  the  growth  of  the  town.  Gaimar  enumerates  fishes  and  food,  which 
are  omitted  in  F. 

79  The  difference  in  the  time  of  leaving  Grimsby  is  striking.  It  is,  on  the 
other  hand,  noticeable  that  the  line  quant  ieo  fui  grant,  ieo  men  parti  corresponds 
in  form  to  quant  furent  mort,  si  men  turnai  (591  G). 

80  Gaimar  mentions  the  two  valets  here.  The  author  of  F  had  brought  that 
item  into  his  account  before,  and  so  omits  it.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  more 
detailed  as  to  Havelok's  position  at  court. 


90 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D  HAVELOC 

P  un  sul 
8 1  o   *  *  Car  ieo  ne  sat  nul  nomer.  * 

8 1 1  LI  SENESC AUS  li  respondi 

812  **Beaus  amis,  ton  non  me  di.* 

813  **HaueloCy  sire,  sui  nomez, 

P  apellez 

814  **Et  Coaran  fui  rappellez  ^^ 

815  ^*^ant  en  la  curt  le  roi  estate 

816  "Et  de  sa  quisine  seruoie.'* 

817  Li  senescaus  se  purpensa, 

8 1 8  En  son  corage  se  remembra 

8 1 9  Qe  si  out  non  li  fiz  le  roi 

820  Qe  Grim  en  out  mene  od  soi. 

821  Purpoi  qil  nel  ad  coneu; 

822  Mes  nepurquant  en  doute  fu.^^ 

823  Par  triues  lad  asseure. 


824  Et  el  chastel  lad  amene,^'^ 

825  Sa  femme  et  ses  compaignons. 

826  II  les  appelle  ses  prisons. 

827  Mult  les  fist  bien  seruir, 

828  La  nuit  en  sa  chambre  gisir. 

P  furent  choche 

829  Quant  li  enfant  cuche, 

830  Vn  son  priue  iad  mande 

831  Pur  saueir  quant  cil  dormira 

832  Si  flambe  de  lui  istra 


GAIMAR 

610  Ne  ne  sai  com  les  puise  trover. ' ' 

61 1  Dist  li  prodom  : 

**Cum  as  tu  nun?*' 
D  L  Aveloc  oi 
616   **Sai  ben  que  Haveloc  eut  nun 

D  L  Cuarant 
614   ** Si  mapelerent  Cuherant: 
613    *  *  Mes  cum  jo  sui  en  la  curt  grant, 

621  SYGAR  sestut,  si  escultat: 

622  Del  fiz  le  rei  bien  //  mem  brat. 
624  Le  fiz  Gunter  eel  non  aveit. 


571    E  quant  furent  aseureZy 

567  Peis  e  trues  lui  afia, 
i)  E  en 

568  En  sa  sale  len  amena, 

569  Lui  e  sa  femme,  e  ses  compaienz. 


629  La  nuit  le  fist  tres  bien  guaiter, 
625   Si  li  membrat  de  un  altre  vice. 


810  nul)  un  sul. 
812   Beaus)  Beus  duz. 
814  rappellez)  apellez. 

816  seruoie)  le  serueie. 

817  senescaus)  riches  home. 

818  se)li. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

824  Cest  chastel  od  lui  menee. 

825  ses)  ses  dous. 
827  bien)  ben  le  ior. 

829  cuche)  furent  choche. 

830  mande)  enveie. 
832  Si)  Si  la. 


81  The  statement  regarding  Havelok's  name  is  different  in  the  two  versions. 
In  G  he  does  not  know  which  name  to  give,  and  explains  where  each  was  used, 
and  refers  to  Alger  for  the  information  about  his  boyhood ;  in  Z'  he  gives  the 
name  Havelok  but  says  he  was  called  Cuherant  at  court. 

^2  There  is  much  similarity  in  these  two  passages  though  F  is  often  less  concise. 

83  In  G  Sygar  had  taken  Havelok  home  before  questioning  him.  In  F  the 
explanations  had  been  made  on  the  spot ;  hence  the  difference  in  the  two  lines 
where  Gaimar's  sale  is  replaced  by  el  chastel.  The  author  o{  F  also  adds  a  few 
lines  to  tell  of  the  kindly  treatment  of  Havelok. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


91 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

Ms.  P.    La  norrisce  quil  ot  norriz 
Souentes  fez  le  regei 

Ken  sun  dormant  li  aueneit 
Meis  cil  feu  pas  ne  lui  nuseit.^4 

833  Car  ceo  auenoit  au  fiz  le  roi 

834  Qe  Grim  out  mene  od  soi. 

835  Haueloc  fut  mult  lasy 

836  E?idormi  sest  igtiiel pas ; 

837  Meisme  lure  quil  dormit 

838  De  sa  bouche  le  feu  is  sit. 

839  Le  chamberlenc  out  grant  poour; 

840  Conter  le  vait  a  son  seignur; 

841  Et  il  en  ad  Dieu  mercie, 

842  Qe  le  dreit  heir  ad  recouere.^5 


843 
844 
845 
846 
847 
848 
849 
850 
851 
852 

853 
854 


Ses  chapeleins  fet  demander ; 
Ses  briefs  escriure  et  enseeler ; 
Par  ses  messages  les  manda, 
Et  pur  ses  amis  enuoia. 
Pur  ses  homes f  pur  ses  parenz. 
Mult  i  assembla  granz  genz, 
Tuz  ceus  qi  el  pais  estoient 
Qui  le  roi  Hodulf  haoient. 
Par  matin  fet  les  baigns  temprer' 
Et  celui  baig?ier  et  lauer ; 
De  riches  draz  lad  reuestu, 
Et  sa  femme,  qe  od  lui  fu  ;  ^7 


GAIMAR 

D  L  sot 

626  Kil  vit  jadis  par  la  nurice. 

627  De  la  flambe  ki  ert  issant 

628  De  sa  buche,  quant  ert  dormant. 
300  Ke  CO  mavient  en  dormant. 

298   De  la  flambe  nient  ne  me  sent. 


631  Pur  CO  kil  ert  ferment  lasse 

634  Sil  sendormi,  nuls  nel  demant. 

635  Ignelpas  com  il  dormiy 

636  De  sa  buche  la  flambe  is  si. 

637  E  li  servant  ki  lunt  guaite, 

638  A  lur  seignur  lunt  tost  nuncie. 
7  2 1  Dieu  seit  loez, 

722  Ore  di  mon  dreit  seignur  trouez 

641  Dune  sot  il  bien  que  veirs  esteit 

642  Co  que  de  lui  pensez  aveit. 


647  5/  mandat  pur  ses  chevaliers, 

648  Pur  geldons  e  pur  peoniers. 
646  Dun  pur  ses  humes  enveiad. 
650  Quant  il  en  ot  mult  assemblez. 


652  Baigner  le  feit  e  conreier. 

653  De  novels  dras  lad  feit  vestir  : 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


833-834  P  substitutes   the   lines   in- 
serted in  the  text. 

835  mult)  durement. 

836  igniel)  ignele. 

843  chapeleins)  escri veins. 

844  enseeler)  enseler. 


845  man  da)  charga. 

846  Et)  omitted,   enuoia)  les  enveia. 

847  Pur,  pur)  E,  e. 

848  Mult  i)  Al  demein. 

849  estoient)maneient.  haoient)aeient. 
85  I  baigns)  bainz. 


^4  These  lines  of  Ms.  P,  wholly  lacking  in  Ms.  //,  are  close  to  those  in  G. 

^5  In  Fy  after  Sygar  was  told  of  the  flame,  he  rejoiced,  sent  for  his  clerks,  and 
through  them  summoned  his  people.  In  G  Sygar  went  to  verify  the  report,  and 
recognized  that  Haveloik  was  the  heir  of  Denmark.    He  too  summoned  his  people. 

^6  These  descriptions  are  similar  but  the  author  of  F  amplifies  several  details. 

^7  The  author  of  Fy  here  as  elsewhere,  is  more  careful  to  mention  Argentille 
than  is  Gaimar. 


92 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D  HAVELOC 

855 

En  la  sale  les  ad  menez. 

654 

856 

Haueloc  fut  mult  efFreez 

657 
655 

857 

De  la  grant  gent  qil  veoit: 

656 

858 

Haueloc  mult  se  cremoit. 

657 

859 

Pur  les  homes  qil  out  occis. 

659 

860  Qe  ceo  fust  vs  de  eel  pais 

861  Qe  lorn  le  deust  issi  seruir, 

862  Baigner,  lauer,  et  reuestir, 

863  Et  puis  iuger  pur  Ic  mesfet, 

864  Et  auant  amener  au  plet. 

865  Nest  merueille  sil  se  dota  :^ 

866  Fne  grant  hache  recouera 

867  (El  paleis  pendit  par  vn  croc)  ^ 

868  As  ii.  poigns  lad  pris  Haueloc, 

869  Vigerousement  se  voudra  defendre 

870  Sil  le  voelent  iuger  a  pendre 

871  LI  SENESCHAUS  se  regarda, 

872  Vers  lui  se  trest,  si  lacola  ; 

873  *  *  Sire,  * '  fet  il,  « *  neiez  effrei  ; 

874  **Cele  hache  rendez  a  mei.^ 

875  **Neiez  garde,  ieo  le  vus  di, 

876  **Ma  leaute  vus  en  affi.'*^ 
^jj  II  li  ad  la  hache  rendue ; 
878  Et  cil  lad  au  croc  pendue.91 


GAIMAR 

654   En  la  sale  le  feit  venir. 

Pour  out  grant  ke  cele  gent 
Com  en  la  sale  est  entrez, 
V  vist  tant  homes  asemblez. 
Pour  out  grant  ke  cele  gent 
Pur  les  cine  homes  hut  tuez. 


658   Ne  li  fascent  mal  jugement : 


661  Pur  une  hache  volt  aler, 

662  Ke  iloc  teneit  un  bacheler, 

663  Saisir  la  volt  pur  set  defendre. 

664  Sigar  le  vait,  si  lad  fet  prendre. 

665  Com  il  le  tindrent  de  tuz  leez, 

666  Sigar  li  dist  :   **Ne  vus  dotez: 

664  L  Mes  la  hache  de  vus  metez, 

667  **Naiez  guarde,  li  mien  ami, 

668  **  Bien  le  vus  jure,  sil  vus  aji, 

669  *  *  Kore  vus  aim  plus  ke  ne  fis  hier,9* 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

857  De)  Pur.  868  poigns)  poinz.      lad  pris)  le  tint. 

858  Sauez  ke  li  uallet  cremeit.  869  Vigerousement)  Viuement. 
864  au)  al,  and  elsewhere.                           870  a)  ou. 

866  recouera)  retroua.  871    se)  le. 

867  par)  a.  875   Neiez)  Ni  naiez. 


88  The  cause  of  Havelok's  fear  is  explained  more  fully  in  F.  The  idea,  how- 
ever, is  the  same  as  that  in  G. 

89  Cf.  this  line  with  703  of  F,  which  occurs  in  the  passage  about  the  fight 
with  Sy gar's  men.  703  will  be  seen  to  correspond  to  662  of  G,  whereas  867 
of  i^  corresponds  to  G  540,  ken  une  meson  trova  pendant,  used  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  fight.      This  is  a  coincidence  worthy  of  note. 

90  The  details  are  the  same  in  the  two  versions,  but  Sygar's  actions  in  F  are 
more  gentle  and  affectionate. 

91  The  acquiescence  of  Havelok  and  the  returning  of  the  hache  to  the  hook  is 
noted  in  F.      Gaimar  leaves  the  former  to  be  understood. 

92  G  alone  contains  these  lines  which  have  already  been  referred  to  as  con- 
taining an  obscure  allusion  to  a  meal  which  has  not  been  described.  In  F  the 
meal  is  discussed  and  these  lines  are  omitted  or  replaced  by  the  lines  about  the 
hache.     The  omission  is  interesting. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


93 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

P  A  une  part  ser  le  fit 

879  A  vne  part  le  fet  seeir, 

880  P  Sa  femme  juste  li  sasist,93 

880  Qe  bien  le  poent  tuz  veeir; 

881  P  Sun  chamberlenc  ad  apelle, 

882  P  Le  corn  le  rei  ad  demande, 

881  De  son  tresor/>/  apporter 

882  Le  corn  qe  nul  ne  poet  soner,94 

883  Si  dreit  heir  nest  de  lignage 

884  Sur  les  Danois  par  heritage,96 

883  P  Co  dit  cil  quil  assaierunt 

884  P  Sauer  si  soner  le  porrunt, 

885  Sauoir  si  soner  le  porroit ; 

886  Dist  lur  quil  essaieroit. 

887  Cil  qui  porra  soner  le  cor 

888  //  lui  dorr  a  son  anel  dor. 97 

889  Nout  en  la  sale,  cheualer, 

890  Sergant,  valet,  nesquier 

891  Qa  sa  bouche  nel  mist ; 

892  Onques  nuls  soner  nel  fist. 

893  Le  seneschal  ad  le  corn  pris, 

894  Haueloc  lad  en  la  main  mis  ; 

895  **Amis,"  fet  il,  **car  essaiez 

896  **Si  le  corn  soner  porrez."  98 

897  **Parfoi!"  fet  il,  **sire,  nesai;99 

898  **  Onques  mes  corn  ne  maniai, 

899  **Ieo  nen  uoudroie  estre  gabez  ; 


GAIMAR 

670  **  Quant  vus  asis  a  mon  manger," 

671  Puis  si  la  sis  t  delez  sei ; 


672   Aporter  feit  le  corn  le  rei. 


686  A  un  chevaler  le  feit  liverer;95 

687  Z)  Z  Si  lui  ad  dit  tut  en  riant, 

688  Quil  sune  si  quil  seit  cornant. 


687  **Kil  sonerat  kil  seit  cornant, 

689  Jo  li  durrai  un  hon  aneU"* 

696  Ore  vont  corner  le  mainel, 

697  Li  chevaler  e  li  sergant : 

699  Unc  pur  nuls  dels  ne  volt  soner 

700  Done  lont  bailie  al  bacheler, 
702  Ki  Avelocs  out  rion. 


D  cor  ne  sonat 
704  E  dist,  ke  unkes  ne  cornat. 


879-886  A  une  part  ser 

the  text. 
889  II  ni  ot  un  sul  cheualer. 

891  mist)  messist. 

892  nuls)  nul  deus. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 
etc.,  as  in         893   senescal)  seneschaus. 
894  la  main)  les  meins. 

896  Se  ia  soner  le  poez. 

897  Par  .    .    .   il)  Cil  li  respunt. 


93  Again  the  author  of  F  gives  Argentille  prominence,  where  G  has  no  men- 
tion of  her. 

94  882-884  repeat  with  change  of  tense  the  exact  words  of  48— 50  of  F. 

95  G  (673,  682—686)  contains  the  description  of  the  horn  and  the  guardian- 
ship of  it,  which  was  given  in  F. 

96  Ms.  P  and  Mss.  D  and  L  are  somewhat  more  alike  than  are  Mss.  H  and 
M  with  respect  to  these  two  lines. 

97  Gaimar  devotes  six  lines  to  the  magic  properties  of  the  ring. 

98  The  words  of  Sygar  are  given  only  in  F. 

99  G  has  Quant  cil  le  tint,  sil  esgardat. 


94 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 


Mes  puis  qe  vus  le  me  comandez, 
A  ma  bouche  le  corn  mettrai,  ^°° 


900 

901 

902  **Et  si  ieo  puis,  ieo  le  sonerai. 

903  Haueloc  est  leue  en  piez, 

904  Et  del  corner  apparaillez, 

905  Le  corn  benesquit  et  seigna; 
905  P  Le  corn  sona  par  tel  heir 

Haute  men  t  et  bien  le  sona^°^ 

P  Ke  mult  le  pout  hum  de  loinz 

oir, 

A  grant  merueille  le  tenoient 

908  Tuit  cil  qen  la  sale  estoient 

909  Li  senescaus  les  appella, 

910  A  tuz  ensemble  le  mustra  ; 
**  Seignurs,  purceo  vus  ai  mandez, 
**^  Dieu  nus  ad  reuisitez. 
**Veex  ci  nostre  dreit  heir ; 
**  Bien  en  deuom  grant  ioie  aueir. ' ' 
Tut  primerain  se  desafubla, 
Pardeuant  lui  sagenuilla; 
Sis  homs  deuint,  si  li  iura 

918  Qe  leaument  le  seruira. 

919  Li  autre  sont  apres  ale. 


906 
906 

907 


911 
912 

913 
914 

915 
916 
917 


920  Chescuns  de  bone  volente ; 

92 1  Tuit  si  home  sont  deuenu 

922  Puis  quil  li  eurent  receUy'^°'^ 

923  La  nouele  fut  recontee  : 

924  Ne  pout  estre  lunges  celee. 


710  **J  vostre  buche  le  metez.*^ 

712  **De  mai  serra  ja  aseie.'* 

714  A  sa  buche  lad  asaie. 

713  Done  prist  le  corn,  si  lad  seigne ; 

716  Le  corn  tant  gentement  sonat, 

717  Ke  unc  ne  fu  ainz  oi  son  per  ; 


7 1 9  Sygar  lentent ;  sailli  en  piez, 

720  Entre  ses  bras  lad  enbracez. 

721  Puis  sescriat :   ^^Deu  seit  loez, 

722  *'Ore  ai  mon  dreit  seignur  trovex: 

723  **Ore  ai  celui  ke  desirai." 

729  II  meismes  sagenullay 

730  De  fai  tenir  laseura. 

727  Tuz  ses  homes  ad  done  mande  : 

728  Lores  li  firent  felte. 

733  Tuz  sunt  ses  homes  devenuz, 

734  E  a  seignur  lunt  receuz. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


900  le)  omitted. 

901  corn)  corin. 

902  ieo)  iol.     ieo  le)  sil. 

903  est)  sest.      piez)  pez. 
904-906   De  corner  sest  aparilez 

Le  corn  etc.  as  in  the  text. 
908  sale)  mesun. 


910  le)  lur. 

914  Bien)  Mult,      deuom)  deuez. 

915  primerain)  premerement.       desa- 
fubla) desfubla. 

917   Sis)  Ses. 

921-922  Transposed  in  P. 


100  Havelok*s  remarks  in  F  repeat  in  the  first  person  the  directions  given  by 
Sygar  in  the  second  person,  according  to  G.  899  belongs  to  F  alone.  898— 
901  m  F  represent  ten  lines  of  G  where  more  conversation  is  given. 

^°^  Gaimar  continues  to  describe  the  sound.  Ms.  P  contains  a  descriptive 
clause  as  does  G  (717),  although  the  two  lines  differ. 

^°*  The  general  description  of  the  homage  is  the  same.  In  F  the  order  is 
different ;  Sygar  goes  first  and  then  the  others ;  in  G  all  did  him  homage  and 
Sygar  himself  knelt  and  pledged  his  faith. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  95 

THE   LAI   d'hAVELOC  GAIMAR 

925  De  totes  parz  i  accurroient, 

926  Et  riche  et  poure,  qui  loeient, 

927  De  lui  firent  lur  auowe,^°3 

928  A  cheualer  lont  adubbe.^°4 

929  Tant  li  aida  le  senescal, 

930  Qui  prodome  fut  et  leal, 

93  I    Qe  merveillous  ost  assembla.^°5  735   Quant  co  unt  fet,  asemblent  gent; 

736  En  quatre  jurs  en  ont  maint  cent, 

737  E  al  quint  jor,  des  chevalers 

738  Ourent  il  bien  trente  millers. 

932  Au  roi  Hodulf  par  brief  manda  739  Li  reis  Edulf  done  deffierent : 

933  Qe  la  terre  li  deliverast,  {D  L  Odulf) 
934.  Hastiuement  si  sen  alast. 

935  LI  ROIS  Hodulf,  quant  ceo  oi, 

936  Mult  sen  gaba  et  escharni;^°^ 

937  Ceo  dist  qa  lui  combatera. 

938  De  totes  parz  gent  auna, 

939  Et  li  valez  en  reont  assez. 

940  Au  iour  qentre  eus  fut  nomez. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 

925  accurroient)  acoreient.  930  leal)  bon  vassal. 

926  qui  loeient)  quil  oieient.  938   auna)  assembla. 

927  auowe)  auoe.  939  reont)  runt. 


^°3  The  author  of  F  alone  mentions  the  concourse  of  all  kinds  of  people  to 
do  homage  to  Havelok,  after  the  news  of  the  new  king  has  become  known. 
^°4  Only  in  F  do  we  find  that  Havelok  was  knighted. 

^°5  G  is  more  exact  in  his  information  about  the  mustering  of  an  army  whereas 
the  author  of  F  dwells  on  the  challenging  of  Hodulf 

106  Gaimar  does  not  note  Hodulf  s  reception  of  the  challenge  or  his  assemb- 
ling of  an  army,  though  that  Hodulf  collected  one  is  evident.  He  appointed  a 
day  for  the  battle.  Havelok  fought  Hodulf  in  single  combat ;  Gaimar,  however, 
states  merely  : 

En  un  plein  sentrecontrerent. 

Asez  i  out  granz  colps  feruz : 

Li  reis  Edulf  fu  dunke  vencuz. 

Car  Haveloc  si  se  contint, 

II  sal  en  oscist  plus  de  vint. 

Dous  princes  aveit  el  pais, 

Ki  ainz  erent  ses  enemis, 

E  od  Edulf  serent  tenuz  : 

Ore  sunt  a  sa  merci  venuz.      (740-748) 
In  the  passage  in  F  the  circumstances  given  by  G  about  the  victory,  the  menue 
gent  and  Havelok' s  forgiveness  of  them  are  kept.      In  addition  the  menue  gent 
are  utilized  to  introduce  a  single  combat  replacing  the  battle  in  G.      The  two 
princes  are  left  out  by  the  author  of  F. 


96 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI   D   HAVELOC 

941  Que  li  dui  ost  sassembleroient 

942  Et  ensemble  se  combateroient, 

943  Haueloc  vist  la  gent  menue 

944  Qen  saide  estoit  venue ; 

945  Ne  voelt  quil  soient  occis : 

946  Au  roi  Hodulf,  par  ses  amis, 

947  Manda  qa  lui  se  combatist 

948  Cors  contre  cors,  et,  si  le  ven- 
quist, 

949  Les  genz  a  lui  touz  se  venissent, 

950  Et  a  seignur  le  tenissent : 

951  *' Ne  sai  purquei  se  combateroient 

952  **Qui  nule  culpe  nen  auoient." 

953  Li  rois  nel  deigna  refuser, 

954  Tote  sa  gent  fist  desarmer, 

955  Et  cil  la  sue  de  lautre  part ; 

956  Mult  durement  li  sembla  tart 

957  Qyil  soient  ensemble  venu, 

958  Et  quil  eust  gaigne  ou  perdu. 

959  Ensemble  vindrent  li  baron, 

960  Requistrent  soi  come  leon. 

961  Haueloc  fut  de  grant  vertu ; 

962  Le  roi  Hodulf  ad  si  feru 

963  Dune  hache  qil  apporta, 

964  Quil  labatit,  puis  ne  leua, 

965  Iloec  loccist  deuant  sa  gent, 

966  Qe  touz  li  crient  hautement, 

967  **Sire,  merci,  qe  ni  moroms, 

968  **Car  volenters  te  seruiroms.'* 

969  Cil  se  sont  a  lui  tourne, 

970  Et  il  lur  ad  tut  par  done. 

971  Apres  cest  fet  ad  receu 

972  Le  regne  qa  son  piere  fu. 

973  Par  la  terre  bone  pees  mist, 

974  Et  des  felons  iustise  prist. 


GAIMAR 


749  Del  pais  la  menue  gent, 

750  Vindrent  a  merci  ensement ; 


751  E  Haveloc  lur  fist  pardons y 

752  Par  le  conseil  de  ses  barons. 

756  De  lui  firent  seignur  e  reis. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


941-942   Quant  les  os  furent  assem- 

blez    E  de  bataille  conreiez. 
944  saide)  saie. 

950  a)  cum.      tenissent)  seruisent. 

951  se  combateroient )  cil  en  moreient . 

952  culpe)  cupes. 

956  sembla)  est. 

957  soient)  fussent. 

958  gaigne)  pris. 


959  vindrent)  venent. 

960  Requistrent)  Requerent. 

967  qe  ni  moroms)  nus  ne  morom. 
969  tourne)  comande. 
After  972  Li  Daneis  en  firent  lur  Rei 
Tuz  ses  uesins  suz  mist  a  sei. 

973  Par  la)  En  sa. 

974  prist)  fist. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


97 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

975  Sa  femme  creut  et  lamoit, 

976  Et  ele  mult  bien  le  seruoit. 

977  Mult  fut  eincois  desesperee, 

978  Mes  ore  lad  Dieus  reconfortee, 

979  Quant  Haueloc  est  rois  pussanz. 

980  Le  regne  tint  plus  de  iiii.  anz,^°7 

981  Merueillous  tresor  i  auna. 

982  Argentine  li  comanda 

983  Quil  passast  en  Engleterre 

984  Pur  son  heritage  conquerre, 

985  Dont  son  oncle  lout  engettee, 

986  A  grant  tort  desheritee. 

987  Li  rois  li  dist  quil  fera 

988  Ceo  qele  li  comandera. 

989  Sa  nauie  fet  a  turner, 

990  Ses  genz  et  ses  ostz  mander ; 

99 1  En  mier  se  met  quant  orre  a, 

992  Et  la  reyne  od  lui  mena. 

993  Quatre  vinz  [nefs]  et  quatre  cenz 

994  Out  Haueloc  pleines  de  genz.^°^ 

995  Tant  ont  nage  et  sigle, 

996  Qen  Carleflure  est  ariue. 


GAIMAR 


759  Apres  samond  tute  sa  navire^ 

760  De  son  realme  tute  lempire. 


494  Lur  sigles  drescent  al  vent. 

495  Tant  unt  nage  e  governe, 

496  Ken  Denemarche  sunt  arive. 


Variants  of  Ms, 
975—976   Sa  femme  ama  e  mult  cheri         990 

E  le  lout  ben  deserui. 
977   eincois)  anceis. 

980  regne)  realme.      iiii.)treiz, 

981  Merueillous)  merueile. 

982  comanda)  conseilla. 
985   son  oncle)  ses  uncles,      lout  en- 
gettee) aueit  iete. 

988   Quan  quele  li  conseilera. 

990  Ses  .  .  .  ostz)  A  sagentesun  ost.         996 


991 

993 
994 
994 


is  followed  in  P  by 

Quant  sun  cire  ot  apareille 

Ni  ad  pus  gaires  atarge. 

orre)  oree. 

nefs)  in  P  only. 

Out)  Od. 

followed  in  P  by 

Armes  portent  e  garisun, 

Vin  e  forment,  char  e  pesun. 

Carleflure)  Carreflod.     est)  sunt. 


^°7  In  F  the  peace  in  Denmark  is  described,  and  reference  is  made  to  Argen- 
tine (975—978).  Havelok  reigned  four  years,  then  at  Argentine's  instigation 
went  to  England.  G  describes  the  oaths  of  fealty  which  were  taken  after  the 
battle,  and  in  757-758  mentions  a  feast  and  the  general  rejoicing,  si  cum  nus  dit 
la  verai  estoire.  Havelok  then  leaves  immediately  for  England.  No  reference 
is  made  to  Argentille.  The  feast  of  Gaimar's  story  has  given  rise  to  much  com- 
ment, as  one  of  the  principal  differences  in  the  two  versions. 

i°2  F  is  more  detailed  in  this  description  of  the  return  to  England.  The 
author  gives  the  number  of  boats,  mentions  Argentille,  and  names  the  landing 
place  in  England.  995  corresponds  closely  to  G  (495).  The  line  occurred 
in  F  before.      Cf   122. 


98 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


997 
998 

999 
1000 
1 00 1 
1002 
1003 
1004 
1005 
1006 
1007 
1008 
1009 

lOIO 

101 1 
1012 
1013 
1014 
1015 
1016 
1017 
1018 
1019 
1020 
1021 
1022 
1023 
1024 
1025 
1026 
1027 
1028 
1029 
1030 


997 


THE   LAI  D   HAVELOC 

Sur  le  hauene  se  herbergerent. 
Par  le  pais  viande  quierent. 
Puis  enuoia  li  nobles  rois 
Par  le  consail  de  ses  Danois, 
A  Alsi,  quil  li  rendist 
La  terre  qe  tint  Ekenbright, 
Qa  sa  niece  fut  donee, 
Dont  il  lout  desheritee  ; 
Ety  si  rendre  nel  voleity 
Mande  quil  le  purchaceroit. 
AU  ROI  uindrent  li  messager. 
Mult  le  trouerent  fort  et  fier 
Quant  il  li  ont  ceo  conte, 
Et  il  en  ont  ris  et  gabe/°9 
Par  orgoil  lur  respondi, 
**Merueille,"  fet  il,  **ai  oi 
**De  Coaran  eel  mien  quistron, 
"Que  ieo  nurri  en  ma  maison, 
**Qe  me  vient  terre  demander. 
**  Mes  keus  ferai  a  lui  luster 
*'  Od  trepez  et  od  chaudrons, 
"Od  paeles  et  od  ploms.'* 
Li  messager  sen  sont  turne ; 
A  lur  seignour  ont  conte 
Le  respons  qe  le  roi  lur  fist, 
Et  del  terme  qe  le  roi  lur  mist. 
Dedenz  li  iour  qil  eurent  pris, 
Alsi  manda  ses  amis 
Et  touz  ceus  quil  pout  aueir ; 
Nul  ni  lessa  remaneir. 
A  Theford  les  ostz  assemblerent 
E  del  ferir  se  conreierent. 
Rois  Alsi  primes  sarma  ; 
Sur  vn  cheual  ferant  monta  ; 


GAIMAR 


762  Li  reis  Edelsi  done  deffia. 


764  Sil  ne  li  rendy  le  drait  sarnie 
763   Co  li  manda y  kil  le  defie. 


99/   hauene)  marine,      se)  omitted. 

1002  Ekenbright)  Achebrit. 

1003  donee)  iure. 
1006  Mande)  omitted. 

1008  fort)  dur.      fier)  fer. 

1009  Lur  message  li  unt  cunte. 
10 1 1    Par)  Par  grant,      lur)  les. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


I  o  1 7  chaudrons )  caudruns. 

1019  turne)  alez. 

1 02 1   le  roi)  omitted. 

1021   followed  by 

Quant  les  douz  oz  sesemblerent 
E  ensemble  se  cumbaterent. 

1027  Theford)  Tofort. 


^°9  Alsi's  jests  here  belong  only  to  the  author  of  F.  It  will  be  remembered, 
however,  that  Gaimar  reported  his  jests  earlier  in  the  poem  where  the  author  of 
F  omitted  them.      Cf.  G  323  IF. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


99 


1031 
1032 
1033 
1034 
1035 
1036 
1037 
1038 
1039 
1040 
1 04 1 
1042 

•043 
1044 
1045 
1046 
1047 
1048 
1049 
1050 
1051 
1052 


THE   LAI  D   HAVELOC 

Ses  enemis  vet  surueeir, 
Combien  de  gent  poent  aueir 
Quant  il  ad  les  Danois  veuz 
As  enseignes  et  as  escuz, 
Ne  li  remembra  des  caudrons, 
Ne  des  paeles  ne  des  ploms, 
Dont  il  les  auoit  manacez  ; 
Arere  sen  est  repairez, 
Sa  gent  enseigne  qil  feront. 
Et  coment  se  combateront.'^^'^ 
Entre  eus  fut  dure  la  meslee 
Dissi  qe  vint  a  la  vespree^ 
Quil  ne  poeient  plus  suiFrir  ; 
La  neire  nuit  les  fist  partir. 
Mult  tout  des  Danois  maumis, 
Et  des  autre s  assez  occis  "'^ 
Haueloc  fut  irascuz 
Pur  ses  homes  qil  out  perduz ; 
Od  ses  Danois  sen  fust  alez, 
Et  a  sa  nauie  retournez. 
Si  la  reine  li  suiFrisist : 
Mes  vn  engin  ele  laprist  "^ 


053  Dont  il  veincroit  son  enemi. 

054  Remist  le  roi,  si  la  crei ; 


767  {^Combatirent  sei  en  un  plain,) 

768  Ty€i  Y£\.2i\\r\.  treskal  serain. 

7  7 1  ^ant  naire  nuit  les  desevera, 

j6()  Mult  i  out  homes  afolez 

770  Dambedous  parz,  e  mort  rueiz. 


773  Mes  par  conseil  de  la  reine, 

774  Ki  enseignat  une  mes  cine 
D  L  omit  Par  ki 

775  Par  ki  remist  le  mal  en  la  bataille. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 


1032  poent)  il  put. 

1038   Arere  sen  est)  Ainz  est  arere. 

1 043- 1 044  follows  1 04  5- 1 046. 

1043  plus)  mes. 

1044  La  neire)  quant  la. 


1045— 1046  maumis)  oscis.       Trans- 
posed in  P. 
1047   fut)  fu  mult. 
I  o  5 1    suffrisist )  suiFrit. 

1052  ele  laprist)  quili  pramist. 

1053  veincroit)  veincerei. 


^^°  Gaimar  says  only  : 

Li  reis  Edelsi  li  remandat, 
Ke  contre  lui  se  combaterat. 
Combatirent  sei  en  un  plain.      (765—767) 
The  author  of  F  adds  the  description  of  the  mustering  of  an  army,   Nul  ni  lessa 
remaneir,   the  plan  of  the  battle  at  Theford,  the  feeling  of  Alsi  at  the  sight  of 
the  Danes,  and  his  forgetting  his  jests. 

"^  These  passages,  1 042-1 046  of  F  and  768-770  of  G,  are  very  similar. 
"2  The  action  of  the  queen  is  even  more  emphatic  in  Fy  since  Havelok,  furious 
at  the  loss  o^  his  men,  is  about  to  return  to  Denmark  when  she  saves  him.  Lines 
1052— 1 100  are,  with  the  exception  of  an  occasional  detail  elaborated  by  the 
author  of  Fy  almost  word  for  word  the  lines  of  G.  There  is  not  a  variation  of 
importance,  and  the  number  of  identical  lines  in  the  two  poems  is  astonishing. 


oo 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


THE  LAI  D   HAVELOC 

1055  Tote  nuitfist  grant  pens  trencher , 

1056  Et  de  ii.  parz  bien  aguisser ; 

1057  Les  homes  morz  i  enficherent, 

1058  Et  entre  les  vifs  les  drescerent; 

1059  ^^^^  e Scheie s  en  ont  rengees, 

1060  Les  baches  sur  les  cols  leuees. 


1 06 1  AJJ  MATINy  quant  il  aiourna, 

P  saparila 

1062  Rois  Alsi  primer  sarma  ; 

1063  Si  firent  tuit  si  cheualer, 

1 064  Pur  bataille  comencer  ; 

1 06  5  Mes  quant  il  virent  ceus  delay 

1066  Tote  la  char  lur  her  tea, 

\Q)(i']  Mult fut  hidouse  la  compaigne 

1068  Des  morz  qil  virent  en  la  plaine. 

1069  Contre  vn  home  qil  auoient, 

1070  De  lautre  part  vii.  estoient. 

1 07 1  Au  roi  dient  si  conseiller 

1072  ^  bataille  ni  ad  mester ; 

1073  Li  Danois  sont  de  genz  creuz, 

1074  Et  il  ad  multz  des  soens  perduz  ; 

1075  A  la  dame  rende  son  droit , 

1076  Et  face  pees  einz  qe  pis  soit. 

1077  P  1a  reis  ne  pout  par  el  passer 

1077  Au  roi  les  toe  t  tut  grant  er, 

1078  P  Le  plet  li  estut  granter, 

1078  Car  il  ne  poet  par  el  passer, 

1079  Par  le  cons  ail  de  ses  priuez, 

1 080  Au  roi  Danois  sest  acordez  ; 

1 08 1  Par  fiance  lasseura, 

1082  Et  saufs  ostages  li  dona, 

1083  Tote  sa  terre  li  rendit 

1084  Que  Ekenbright  tint  tant  come 
il  vesquit. 

P  De  Hoillant  tresque  a  Coles- 
estre. 


777  Tute  nuit  fist  en  terre  fie  her  pels, 

778  (Plus  gros  e  granz  ke  tonels) 

779  Les  morz  homes  en  sus  ficherent, 

780  E  tute  nuit  sus  les  drescerent. 
7  8  I  Dous  escheles  en  firent  granz, 

782  Ke  veirement  estait  semblant 

783  Kil  fuissent  combatanz  e  vifs  : 

784  Le  jor  devant  erent  oscis. 

789  Lendemain  se  reparillerent ; 


790  De  combatre  mult  saficherent. 

785  Home  ki  de  loinz  les  esguardout, 

794  Tut  la  char  len  h eric  a: 

786  Tute  la  char  len  hericout. 

788  Hydus  semblent  morz  desconfes. 

787  Ambure  de  loinz  e  depres, 

795  Car  en  contre  uns  horn  kil  aveient, 

796  Del  altre  part  set  en  vaient. 

797  Arere  en  vont  al  ret  nuncier, 

798  Li  combatre  ni  ad  mester : 


799  Rende  a  la  dame  son  dreit ; 

800  E  fasce  pets  ainz  ke  pis  seit. 

802  Done  li  estut  co  granter ; 

D  L  passer 

801  Li  reis  ne  pout  par  el  aler, 

803  Car  si  baron  li  ont  loe. 


804  Rendu  li  fut  tut  li  regne. 


Variants  of  Ms,  P 


1055  grant)  omitted. 

1056  bien)  omitted. 

1057  enficherent)  fichetent. 
1060  cols)  cous.     leuees)  drecez. 
1062  primer  sarma)  saparila. 
1064  Pur)  Pur  la. 


1068  plaine)  champaigne. 

1069  Contre)  En  cuntre. 

1070  estoient)  enveient. 
1077-1078  as  above  in  the  text. 
1082  saufs)  ses.      dona)  bailla. 
1084  tant  come)  quant. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


lOI 


THE   LAI   D   HAVELOC 

1085  De  Holande  desqen  Gloucestre 

1 086  Furent  Danois  seignur  et  mestre ; 

1087  Mes  Haueloc  sa  feste  tint 

1088  A  la  cite  quant  il  vint ; 

1089  Des  barons  recent  les  homages y 

1 090  Si  lur  rendit  lur  heritages. 

1 09 1  Enpres  cest  fet  rots  Aelsis 
Ne  vesquit  mesqe  quinze  dis ; 
II  nout  nul  heir  si  droiturel 
Come  Haueloc  et  sa  muiller. 
Li  baron  les  ont  receuz 
Et  citez  et  chasteuz  renduz. 
Haueloc  tint  en  sa  baillie 


1092 
1093 
1094 
1095 
1096 
1097 


1098  Nicole  et  tote  Lindesie ; 

1099  XX.  anz  regnay  si  en  fut  roiSy 

1 100  Assez  conquist  par  ses  Danois ; 


805  Des  Hoiland  treska  Colecestre. 

806  Rei  Haveloc  la  tin  sa  feste ; 

807  Les  homages  de  ses  barons y 

808  Recuz  par  tut  ses  regions. 


809  Puis  apres  co,  ke  quinz  dis 

810  Ne  vesqui  li  reis  Edelsis. 

811  //  nout  nul  eir  si  dreiturel 

812  Com  Haveloc  e  sa  muiller: 
814  Li  barnage  tresben  otreienty 


815 
816 

817 
818 


Ke  Haveloc,  e  sa  amis. 
Ait  la  terre  rei  Edelsis. 
Sue  ert  Nicole  e  Lindeseiey 
J  a  si  ot  il:  vint  anzfud  reis: 
Mult  cunquist  par  les  Daneis. 


Variants  of  Ms.  P 
1085   De  Hoillant  tresque  a  Colesestre.  1093   nout)  nolt.   droiturel)  dreiturer. 

1 09 1  Enpres)  Apres.  1099  si  en)  e  si. 

1092  mesqe)  mie  ke.  1 100  ses)  ces. 


The  first  impression  received  from  the  preceding  compar- 
ison is  that  of  surprise  that  so  many  lines  reflect  the  verses  of 
Gaimar  almost  word  for  word,  and  that  the  parts  showing  a  real 
change  in  the  details  narrated  by  him  are  comparatively  few. 
Reviewing  these  changes,  one  sees  that  they  consist  of  the  fol- 
lowing points:  (i)  In  the  Lay  Gaimar's  mariner  has  become  a 
baron ;  (2)  Havelok  leaves  Grimsby  during  Grim's  lifetime, 
and  not  after  his  death  as  in  G;  (3)  in  i^  the  king  appoints 
Alsi  as  guardian  for  Argentille  before  he  dies,  whereas  in  G 
Adelbricht  dies  and  the  queen  goes  to  her  brother;  (4)  the 
author  of  F  says  of  Havelok, 

Pur  la  franchise  q'il  out 
Entre  eus  le  tenoient  pur  sot ; 

Gaimar,  on  the  other  hand,  speaks  of  his  generosity  as  making 
him  beloved  at  court;  {5)  in  F  Kelloc's  husband  in  person 
conducts  Havelok  to  Denmark,  in  G  they  commend  him  to  a 
merchant  whom  they  know;  (6)  in  the  two  descriptions  in  the 
Lay  where  the  "hache"  is  mentioned  the  lines  in  which  Gaimar 


1 02  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

described  the  place  from  which  it  was  taken  are  interchanged, 
702-704  and  856-867;  (7)  when  Sygar  in  F  addresses  Have- 
lok  after  the  tower  episode,  he  asks  first  about  the  fight,  then 
as  to  Havelok's  identity,  and  then  takes  Havelok  and  Argen- 
tine home  with  him :  in  G  he  gives  a  truce,  takes  them  home, 
and  then  asks  Havelok  who  he  is;  (8)  the  place  assigned  to 
Havelok  before  the  horn  is  brought  in  is  different  in  the  two 
versions ;  (9)  a  simple  variation  occurs  in  the  order  in  which 
all  do  reverence  to  Havelok;  (10)  the  single  combat  replaces 
the  battle  mentioned  by  Gaimar  {F  935-965). 

Points  I,  2,  3,  and  10  are  important  modifications  of  the  de- 
tails found  in  G,  and  each  modification  is  followed  by  a  whole 
scene  lacking  in  G:  i,  by  the  description  of  Grim's  guardian- 
ship, the  castle,  and  embarcation ;  2,  by  the  elaborate  account 
of  Grim's  interview  with  Havelok,  the  instructions  given  the 
departing  youth,  and  the  gift  of  clothes;  3,  by  the  scene  in 
which  Argentine's  guardian  is  appointed,  including  his  oath 
which  leads  eventually  to  the  scene  with  the  barons;  and  10, 
by  the  lines  telling  of  the  single  combat,  i  has  been  conceded 
by  all  to  be  a  change  made  by  the  author  of  the  Lay,  who  be- 
trayed himself  twice  by  inconsistencies,  118  and  135.  10  may 
also  be  considered  his  invention,  since  he  probably  wished  to 
introduce  a  knightly  combat.  The  remaining  points  4,5,6,7,8, 
represent  very  slight  differences.  They  give  a  variation  in  tone 
to  the  description  by  stressing  the  prominence  of  Argentille  (9), 
by  noting  the  more  courtly  deference  paid  to  Havelok  by  those 
surrounding  him  (5,  10),  by  emphasizing  the  inability  of  the 
vulgar  to  comprehend  Havelok  (4),  or  by  making  the  narrative 
more  complete  and  clear  (6,7).  These  minor  changes  all  appear 
to  indicate  the  attempt  of  the  author  of  F  to  impart  clearness 
and  courtly  coloring  to  his  work,  and  the  same  intention  seems 
to  explain  the  two  more  sweeping  changes  i  and  10.  Point  2 
also  occurs  in  a  scene  which  is  probably  the  author's  own, —  the 
elaborate  account  of  Grim's  interview  with  Havelok,  the  in- 
structions to  him,  and  his  gift.  The  question  is  only  whether 
in  his  source  he  found  that  Grim  was  living  when  Havelok  left 
Grimsby,  or  whether  he  changed  that  detail  also  in  order  to 
introduce  the  scene  of  farewell.  Again  3,  as  we  have  seen  in 
the  discussion  of  the  English  Lay,  seemed  to  be  a  change  from 
the  more  primitive  details  given  by  Gaimar.  In  that  same 
cornparison  it  seemed  also  that  2  was  less  primitive  in  form 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS 


103 


than  the  circumstances  of  Gaimar's  account.  Is  it  not  probable, 
then,  that  the  author  of  the  Lay  made  this  change  in  order  to 
provide  Argentille  as  well  as  Havelok  with  a  guardian,  and  that 
he  introduced  the  oath  and  the  scene  of  the  barons  to  increase 
the  courtly  atmosphere  of  the  poem,  and  to  give  his  audience, 
according  to  his  point  of  view,  a  plausible  excuse  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  barons  in  allowing  their  queen  to  be  tfeated  in  such 
a  disgraceful  manner?  Is  there  not  here  evident  the  same 
spirit  that  inspired  the  line  of  the  Lay  describing  the  valiant 
defence  by  Havelok's  party  in  the  scene  of  the  pirates*  attack? 
In  Chapter  III,  I  suggested  the  intermediary  position  which 
the  Lay  seemed  to  hold  with  regard  to  Gaimar  and  the  English 
Lay  in  these  very  scenes.  It  seems  probable  that  Gaimar's 
details  were  changed.  Is  it  therefore  not  likely  that  these 
points,  2  and  3,  the  guardianship  of  Argentille  and  the  depart- 
ure from  Grimsby,  were  modified  for  the  first  time  by  the 
author  of  the  Lay  who,  as  we  know,  made  other  modifications 
and  changes,  the  spirit  of  which  corresponds  exactly  to  that  of 
these  two  variations? 

Few  actual  changes  of  Gaimar*s  narrative  are  to  be  seen  in 
the  Lay ;  the  versions  accordingly  differ  chiefly  because  of  the 
parts  omitted  or  added  by  the  author  of  the  latter.  The  omis- 
sions cited  by  Petrie  have  already  been  discussed  and  found  to 
be  unimportant.  As  additions  to  Gaimar,  besides  such  details 
as  the  visit  to  the  hermit,  Petrie  mentioned  the  full  account  of 
the  tower  episode  referred  to  only  vaguely  by  Gaimar,  and  the 
meal  described  in  the  Lay  and  alluded  to  very  obscurely  by 
Gaimar.  Kupferschmidt,  however,  shows  that  these  descrip- 
tions do  not  differ  in  substance,  and,  moreover,  that  the  in- 
cidents of  the  story  of  the  Lay  are  all  found  in  Gaimar's 
account,  although  in  more  condensed  form.  The  description 
of  the  meal  at  Sygar's  offers  no  noteworthy  details  not  found 
in  Gaimar's  description  of  the  fight,  or  elsewhere  in  his  nar- 
rative, but  they  give  a  clear,  connected  scene  where  Gaimar 
gave  only  an  obscure  reference  to  a  meal,  when  Sygar  said  to 
Havelok: 

Kore  vus  aim  plus  ke  ne  fis  hier. 

Quant  vus  asis  a  mon  manger.      (669-670) 

That  this  is  a  conscious  expansion  on  the  part  of  the  writer  of 
the   Lay   seems  attested   by  the  unnecessary  stress  which  he 


I04  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

gives  the  detail,  by  bringing  in  an  allusion  to  it  again,  when 
he  describes  Sygar*s  seeing  Havelok  on  the  tower: 

Vist  Haveloc  et  creu  et  grant, 

(Et  a  sa  table  auoit  mange. 

Ensemble  od  lui  out  este).      (740—742) 

The  principal  additions  to  Gaimar*s  version  include  the  fol- 
lowing scenes :  the  description  of  Baron  Grim,  the  castle  and 
embarcation  (51-69,  74-82,  84-109);  Grim's  parting  from 
Havelok  (157-192);  the  appointment  of  the  guardian  of 
Argentine  (212-230);  the  long  scene  of  the  king  and  the 
barons  (279-360,  364-376);  the  chamberlain  and  the  hermit 
(485-536).  Other  additions  consist  of  short  passages,  or  at 
times  merely  a  line,  inserted  for  the  purpose  already  referred 
to  —  to  add  clearness  to  the  description  or  to  bring  out  some 
detail  more  in  keeping  with  the  courtly  ideal  of  the  author. 
Several  such  additions  are  interesting,  as,  for  example,  the  allu- 
sions to  the  Bretons  (21,40,  258-260);  references  to  Grimsby 
and  the  founding  of  the  town  (125-130,  137-142,  791-800); 
and  suggestions  of  Argentine's  prominence  (639-643,  975-988, 
1047-1053). 

As  I  have  said,  the  differences  between  Gaimar  and  the 
French  Lay  have  been  much  emphasized,  and  the  occurrence 
of  some  identical  lines  in  the  two  works  noted,  but  the  signifi- 
cance of  these  identical  lines  and  similar  passages  has,  it  seems 
to  me,  been  underestimated,  and  they  have  never  been  investi- 
gated with  the  same  thoroughness  as  the  differences.  Com- 
parison shows  how  many  such  lines  and  passages  there  are. 
The  character  of  these  similar  passages  and  their  distribution 
are  also  to  be  noted.  It  is  to  be  observed  first  of  all  that  the 
passages  are  of  two  kinds:  (i)  those  which  represent  Gaimar's 
details  with  different  wording;  (2)  those  which  render  Gaimar's 
details  with  slight  change  in  wording  or  with  no  change  at  all. 
To  the  first  class  belong  the  following : 

25-39541-50,  69,71-73,  116,  117,  131,  134-136,  143-146, 
150-156,  194-196,  199,  200,  203-210,  231-234,  241,  242, 
244,  251,  252,  264-272,  361,  362,  377-379>  389-393*  397> 
398,  409,  410,  413,  420,  422,  428,  435,  436,  442,  445, 
457,  458,  466,  468,  475,  537,  547-555>  559>  560,  567-573> 
576-579*  584-586,  588,  589,  593,  595-605,  608-614,  621, 
622,  625-632,  637,  643-649,  653-667,  695,  698,  702,  704, 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  105 

706,  709,  711,  714,  715,  717,  718-745.  747>  748,  750-754, 
IS^-llS^  778-786,  791-795,  802-807,  811,  812,  816-818, 
820-822,  826-834,  841-850,  856,  858,  868-873,  876-878, 
881-887,  889-891,  893,  903-912,  914,  915,  917-920,  931- 
933,  989,  999-1004, 1042, 1046, 1053, 1054, 1060-1064, 1068, 
1080  1082,  1084,  1086,  1097. 

To  the  second  class  belong  the  following : 

no.  III,  115  and  two  lines  following  in  Ms.  P,  11 8-1 20, 
122,  132,  2^3^  380,  384,  399,  400,  401,  403-408,  411,  412, 
414-419,  421,  423-425>  427,  429>  430,  433,  434,  437,  438, 
440-444,  446,  449,  450,  454-456,  459-465,  467,  469,  471- 

473,  482,  483,  539,  540-543,  552,  SS^^  574,  575,  583,  587, 
590-592,  606,  607,  631,  638,  668,  66^,6^6,  697,701,  705, 

707,  708,  710,  712,  713,  716,  746,  751,  755,  776,  777,  779, 
787-790,  796,  808-810,  813-815,  819,  823-825,  P,  832  and 
the  line  following,  835-838,  840,  852,  853,  855,  857,  859,  866, 
874,  875,  888,  892,  901,  913,  916,  921,  970,  1005,  1044,  1052, 
1055,  1057-1059,  1065-1067,  1069,  1070-1072,  1075-1079, 
1083,  1085,  1087,  1089,  1091-1095,  1098 -1099,  1 100.  Total 
170  lines. 

This  number  of  almost  identical  lines  seems  too  large  to  be 
explained  by  assuming  a  common  source  for  Gaimar  and  the 
French  Lay.  It  does  not  seem  credible  that  so  many  lines 
could  have  been  taken  from  a  third  work  by  the  two  authors 
and  have  been  so  faithfully  preserved  in  their  poems  that  there 
is  scarcely  more  difference  at  times  between  the  two  versions 
than  exists  between  different  manuscripts  of  the  same  version. 

Moreover,  if  we  regard  the  arrangement  and  character  of  the 
lines  which  are  similar,  we  note  an  interesting  fact.  The  lines 
occur  throughout  the  poems  sometimes  singly  and  at  other 
times  in  groups.  The  first  large  group  forms  a  passage  con- 
taining lines  397-473,  describing  Argentine's  vision;  the  second 
comprises  many  lines  between  1052  and  iioo,  describing  the 
trick  devised  by  Argentille  to  win  the  battle  in  England.  These 
passages  seem  to  be  transferred  almost  bodily  from  Gaimar's 
text.  There  is  scarcely  an  addition  or  a  change.  This  fact 
would  indicate  that,  where  the  author  of  the  Lay  wished  to 
follow  Gaimar,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  take  the  whole  passage. 
Such  a  passage  speaks  more  strongly  for  Gaimar  as  source  of 
the  Lay  than  do  isolated  lines  occasionally  found  in  the  poem. 
It  would  be  far  harder  to  transfer  whole  passages  from  a  third 


[o6 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


work  and  keep  such  close  resemblance  between  the  two  derived 
poems  than  to  do  so  in  the  case  of  occasional  lines.  These 
two  longer  descriptions  —  that  of  the  vision  and  that  of  the 
device  for  winning  a  battle  —  the  writer  evidently  did  not  care 
to  omit,  and,  since  no  modification  would  adapt  them  better  to 
the  spirit  of  his  Lay,  he  simply  used  Gaimar*s  text. 

As  a  further  indication  that  he  followed  Gaimar's  version, 
compare  the  three  descriptions  of  the  pirates*  attack,  which 
occur  in  the  Lay. 


(ii 1-120) 

(A)  Car  outlages  les  encontrerent. 
Qui  hautement  les  escrierent. 
Mult  durement  les  assaillirent, 
Et  cil  forment  se  defendirent ; 
Mes  il  eurent  poi  desforz. 
La  nef  unt  robe  e  mal  mise, 
E  la  Reine  i  fu  ossise, 
Li  outlaghe  les  ont  touz  morz. 
Ni  remist  nul  petit  ne  grant 
Fors  Grim,  quert  lur  conoissanty 


GAIMAR 

(427-436) 

De  utlagles  fumes  encontrex: 
En  mer  furent  trestuz  ruez 
Nos  chevalers,  e  nostre  gent, 
E  la  reine  ensement. 
Unc  ne  guari  horn,  fors  mun  pere, 
Ne  nule  femme,  fors  ma  mere. 
Mis  pere  est  ait  lur  conussant ; 
Pur  CO  guarirent  li  enfant, 
E  jo,  e  vus,  e  mi  dui  frere. 
Pur  la  priere  de  mun  pere. 


(603-609) 

(B)  Grim  nostre  piere  senfuit. 

Pur  toi  garrir  terre  guerpit. 

Ta  miere  fut  en  mier  perie ; 

Car  nostre  nef  fut  assaillie 

De  outlaghes,  qui  nus  saisirent. 

Li  plus  de  nostre  gent  i  perirent. 

Nous  eschapames  de  la  mort. 


(786-790) 

(C)  Par  mier  errames  lungement, 
De  outlaghes  fumes  assailli. 
Ma  mere  occistrent  e  ieo  garri, 

Et  li  prodoms  sen  eschapa 
Qui  me  nurrit  et  mult  mama. 


(582-588) 

Com  venimes  en  halt  mer, 
De  uthlages  sumes  asailliz. 
Ma  mere  i  ert,  si  fu  oscise ; 
Jo  guari,  ne  sai  en  quele  guise ; 
E  li  prodom  en  eschapa, 
Ki  me  nuri,  e  mult  mama. 


It  is  evident  that  A  was  based  on  Gaimar's  version,  and  that 
Kelloc's  speech  in  the  first  person  was  changed  to  the  third 
person  to  serve  as  a  description  of  the  events  in  Denmark  for 
the  first  part  of  the  Lay.  At  times  the  lines  are  almost  identi- 
cal, even  to  the  extent  of  introducing  the  preposterous  state- 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  107 

ment  that  Grim,  a  baron  in  the  Lay,  and  no  longer  a  poor 
fisherman,  was  spared  because  he  was  the  "conoissant"  of  the 
pirates.     Additional  lines  show  the  valor  of  Havelok's  party. 

Having  expanded  Kelloc's  speech  for  the  earlier  part  of  his 
narrative,  the  author  of  the  Lay  puts  into  Kelloc's  mouth 
merely  a  short  resume  of  that  speech  when  she  tells  Havelok 
of  his  birth  later  on.  But  Havelok's  account  of  the  voyage, 
as  he  told  it  to  Sygar,  is  again  Gaimar's  version  word  for  word. 

As  another  instance  of  the  careful  reworking  of  Gaimar's 
details,  take  Havelok's  departure  from  Grimsby  for  Denmark. 
In  Gaimar's  story,  Kelloc  and  her  husband  Alger  advise  Have- 
lok to  go  to  Denmark,  and  tell  him  to  wait  in  Grimsby  for  a 
favorable  wind.  They  give  him  clothes,  provision  the  ships, 
and  make  the  bargain  with  the  merchant.  They  remain  in 
Grimsby,  however,  promising  to  go  to  Denmark  if  Havelok 
sends  for  them  after  regaining  his  kingdom.  Havelok  thanks 
them  and  says  that  he  will  reward  them.  In  the  Lay,  Kelloc's 
nameless  husband,  a  merchant,  himself  conducts  Havelok. 
They  start  for  Denmark  without  delay,  and  Argentille  thanks 
Kelloc.  On  arriving  in  Denmark,  they  disembark  and  the 
merchant  husband  of  Kelloc  gives  Havelok  and  his  wife  clothes, 
and  in  a  long  speech  beginning  "  Biaus  filz  "  tells  him  what  to 
do.  In  Gaimar's  account  Havelok  does  not  even  know  Sygar's 
name  and  probably  lines  have  been  left  out  which  tell  how 
Havelok  chanced  to  enter  his  house  at  meal  time.  The  author 
of  the  Lay  tries  to  make  all  of  this  more  distinct  by  having  in- 
structions given  to  Havelok  by  the  merchant.  He  is  to  go  to 
Sygar's : 

En  son  chastel  va  herberger, 
Et  a  sa  table  va  manger. 
Par  charite  quier  le  conrei ; 
Ta  femme  meine  ensemble  od  tei, 
Assez  tost  te  demanderont. 
Par  la  beaute  qen  lui  verront. 
Qui  tu  es,  et  de  quiele  contree, 
Et  qi  tiele  femme  tad  donee. 

Havelok  leaves  the  merchant  and  they  go  wandering  until 
they  come  to  the  city  of  Sygar.  They  go  and  ask  him  for 
food  and  shelter.  Argentille  sits  beside  Havelok  and  attracts 
much  attention  at  the  meal.  There  are  no  details  invented  in 
the   scene.      Gaimar  mentioned  a  meal   that  had  taken  place 


io8  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 

before  the  episode  of  the  throwing  of  the  stones,  and  he  had 
also  mentioned  the  beauty  of  Argentille  in  this  connection. 
Later  in  the  Lay  the  author  uses  Gaimar's  own  words  in 
referring  to  the  meal : 

Et  a  sa  table  avoit  mange. 

Ensemble  od  lui  out  este.      (741—742) 

I  have  selected  this  passage  because  it  is  extremely  sugges- 
tive. It  seems  to  correspond  in  a  general  way  to  the  scene  in 
which  Havelok  leaves  Grimsby  the  first  time,  since  the  coun- 
sels, clothes,  and  speeches  appear  in  both  descriptions.  Does 
it  not  look  as  if  our  author  had  duplicated  here  his  former 
episode  —  an  episode  which  he  appears  to  have  invented? 

Sometimes  a  single  line  seems  to  suggest  the  same  process 
of  readjustment  to  the  Lay.  Take  for  example  the  two  lines 
which  Gaimar  uses  to  denote  the  place  from  which  Havelok 
took  the  "  hache "  on  two  occasions. 

Prent  une  hache  mult  trenchant. 

Ken  une  meison  trova  pendant.      (539— 54°) 

These  lines  of  Gaimar's  refer  to  the  weapon  used  at  the  time 
of  the  fight  between  Havelok  and  the  men  who  attacked  him. 
In  the  Lay  the  author  says : 

Quant  Haueloc  ad  recoueree 

Une  hache  trenchante  et  dure 

Ne  sai  par  quele  aventure 

Un  de  ceus  la  tint  et  porta.      (700—703) 

It  is  curious  therefore  to  see  that  the  next  time,  when  the 
"hache"  is  used  in  the  house  of  Sygar  at  the  moment  when 
Havelok  thinks  he  is  to  be  attacked,  he  finds  it  in  the  house: 

Une  grant  hache  recouera 

(El  paleis  pendit  par  vn  croc),      (866-867) 

and  it  is  carefully  returned  to  the  same  place : 

II  li  ad  la  hache  rendue ; 

Et  cil  lad  au  croc  pendue.      (877-878) 

In  the  same  scene  in  Gaimar  we  read: 

Pur  une  hache  volt  aler, 

Ke  iloc  teneit  un  bacheler.      (661-662) 

The  two  lines  are  simply  interchanged. 


A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  FRENCH  VERSIONS  109 

Would  it  be  going  too  far  to  see  a  connection  between  the 
lines  used  by  Gaimar  in  speaking  of  the  departure  from  Grims- 
by and  those  of  the  Lay?     Havelok  says  to  Argentille  in  G: 
Diloc  turnai  quant  jo  vine  ci      (308) 

and  to  Kelloc: 

Ci  laissai 

Mun  parente  quant  men  turnai.      (365—366) 

And  again  Gaimar  makes  Havelok  say  : 

Quant  furent  mort,  si  men  turnai.      (591) 

In  the  Lay  where  the  circumstances  are  changed  and  Grim  is 
represented  as  still  alive,  Havelok  says : 

La  les  lassai  quant  ieo  vine  ei,      (540) 

and 

Quant  ieo  fui  grant  ieo  men  parti.      (801) 


Reviewing  these  results,  I  am  convinced  that  the  basis  of 
the  French  Lay  is  Gaimar's  account  of  the  Havelok  tale  in  the 
Estorie,  since  no  other  source  could  explain  the  great  number 
of  similar  passages  and  the  overwhelming  number  of  almost 
identical  lines.  The  detailed  investigation  of  a  few  similar 
passages  not  only  corroborates  the  testimony  given  by  the 
many  similar  lines  but  suggests  a  very  interesting  study  —  the 
consideration  of  the  author's  ideal  of  a  lay  and  his  method  of 
transferring  and  transforming  Gaimar's  material  in  order  to 
bring  it  into  conformity  with  that  ideal. 


The  Composition  of  the  L,ai  d' Haveloc 

In  considering  the  spirit  in  which  the  author  of  the  Lai 
d'Haveloc  adapted  the  material  found  in  Gaimar's  Estorie  to  a 
poem  with  a  prologue,  an  epilogue,  and  allusions  to  the  Bretons 
and  to  an  earlier  lay  which  they  had  made  on  the  subject,  we 
are  led  to  ask  what  were  the  ideals  of  his  time  and  what  the 
literary  influences  to  which  he  might  have  responded. 

But  first  we  should  know,  as  precisely  as  possible,  the  date 
of  the  Lay.  Heretofore  we  have  given  the  general  date  men- 
tioned by  Deutschbein  and  others,  the  second  half  of  the 
twelfth  century.'  It  has  been  shown  in  the  present  study  that 
the  Lay  was  not  earlier  than  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth 
century,  since  Gaimar^s  Estorie  was  composed  between  1147 
and  1 151.  Can  we  draw  any  conclusions  from  the  poem  itself 
that  will  show  how  late  in  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury the  Lay  was  written  ? 

In  the  second  half  of  that  century  the  short  narrative  poems 
called  lays  were  flourishing  in  England  as  they  were  a  little 
later  in  France,  and  as  our  author  chose  that  form  for  his  story 
we  turn  naturally  to  the  consideration  of  these  lays.  The  old- 
est and  best  of  them  were  those  of  Marie  de  France,  and  we 
know  how  popular  her  collection  of  lays  was  from  the  number 
of  manuscripts  and  translations  of  them  that  have  come  down 
to  us,^  from  the  testimony  of  her  rather  jealous  contemporary 
Denys  Piramus,^  and  from  the  imitations  of  her  stories  that 
abound  in  the  later  anonymous  lays.'^ 

Although  there  has  been  much  discussion  as  to  the  date  of 
Marie's  collection,  Warnke,  the  authority  on  the  subject,  de- 
cided in  favor  of  the  year  1165,^  and  his  date  is  generally  fol- 
lowed.    Warnke  thinks  also  that  Marie  probably  introduced 

^  See  p.  6. 

=»  Warnke,  2d  ed.,  1900,  Halle,  Die  Lais  der  Marie  de  France y  pp.  xxxviii-xli. 

3  Denys  Piramus,  La  vie  Seint  Edmund  le  rei,  ed.  Ravenel,  1906,  Philadel- 
phia, p.  58. 

4  Foulet,  Z/. /.  rom.  Phil.y  1905,  XXIX,  19-56,  292-322. 

5  Warnke,  op.  cit.  p.  xxxv. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  iii 

the  lay  into  literature.  He  says:^  "  Keins  der  anonymen  Lais 
scheint  alter  zu  sein  als  die  Sammlung  der  Marie  ...  So 
ist  trotz  aller  laut  gewordenen  Zweifel  die  Ansicht  vielleicht 
doch  nicht  von  der  Hand  zu  weisen,  dass  Marie  die  Gattung 
der  Lais  in  die  Litteratur  eingefiihrt  hat.  Nach  dem  Prolog, 
V.  28,  gedachte  die  Dichterin  wenigstens  einen  Weg  einzu- 
schlagen,  der  vor  ihr  noch  unbetreten  war."  The  study  of  the 
anonymous  lays  by  Foulet  has  confirmed  this  opinion.^ 

Marie,  in  the  Prologue  to  her  collection,  explains  what  her 
lays  are  to  be  :  ^ 

Des  lais  pensai  qu'oiz  aveie. 

Ne  dutai  pas,  bien  le  saveie, 

que  pur  remembrance  les  firent 

des  aventures  qu'il  oirent 

cil  Id  primes  les  comencierent 

e  ki  avant  les  enveierent. 

Plusurs  en  ai  oiz  confer, 

nes  vueil  laissier  ne  oblier. 

Rime  en  ai  e  fait  ditie, 

soventes  feiz  en  ai  veillie.      (33—42) 

In  Guigemar  she  says  : 

Les  contes  que  jo  sai  verais, 

dunt  li  Bretun  unt  fait  les  lais, 

vos  conterai  assez  briefment,      (19—21) 

and  in  the  epilogue  of  the  same  lay,  she  adds : 

De  cest  cunte  qu'oi  avez 

fu  Guigemar  li  lais  trovez, 

que  hum  dit  en  harpe  e  en  rote  ; 

bone  en  est  a  oir  la  note.      (883-886) 

But  it  is  in  the  prologue  to  Equitan  that  she  explains  most 
fully  her  idea  of  the   Bretons  and  their  lays.     She  says : 

Mult  unt  este  noble  barun 
cil  de  Bretaigne,  li  Bretun. 
Jadis  suleient  par  pruesce, 
par  curteisie  e  par  noblesce 
des  aventures  que  oeient, 
ki  a  plusurs  genz  aveneient, 
faire  les  lais  pur  remembrance, 
qu'um  nes  meist  en  ubliance. 

^  Ibid.f  p.  xxxvii. 
7  Foulet,  op.  cit. 

^  Warnke,  p.  4.      All  the  citations  from   Marie  are  taken  from  this  second 
edition  of  Warnke's. 


112  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

According  to  Mane's  statements  then,  the  ancient  Bretons, 
when  an  interesting  and  notable  adventure  occurred  in  their 
midst,  made  a  lay  about  it  which  they  executed  to  harp  or  rote. 
Marie  says  that  she  is  about  to  relate  these  adventures.  This 
conception  of  a  Breton  lay  is  certainly  a  curious  one,  which 
would  have  needed  a  word  of  explanation  from  an  author  to 
make  it  understood  by  his  contemporary  public.  Now  if  the 
expression  Li  Bretun  en  firent  un  lai,  which  she  used,  had  been 
current  in  the  literature  of  her  time,  Marie  would  not  have 
found  so  much  explanation  necessary.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
the  Lai  d'Haveloc  had  been  written  before  1165,  the  author 
would  have  had  to  make  some  general  remarks  on  the  Bretons, 
their  customs,  and  their  lays,  in  order  to  have  made  the  phrase 
clear  and  effective.  What  then  do  we  find  in  Havelok  about 
the  Bretons  and  their  lays  ?     We  note  the  following  points : 

(i)  The  author  himself  nowhere  speaks  of  his  poem  as  a 
Breton  lay. 

(2)  He  does  not  say  that  he  himself  ever  heard  this  Breton 
lay  which  he  mentions. 

(3)  The  statement  he  makes  is  merely  the  following:  the 
Bretons  made  a  lay  about  it. 

Purceo  vus  voil  de  lui  center, 

Et  sauenture  remembrer ; 

Que  vn  lai  en  firent  li  Breton, 

Si  lappellerent  de  son  non 

Et  Haueloc  et  Cuarant,      (Prol.  19-23) 


and 


Li  auncien  par  remembrance 

Firent  vn  lai  de  sa  victoire.      (EpiL  1 1 02-1 103) 


(4)  He  does  not  say  that  the  lay  was  a  musical  one.  We 
may  regard  this  as  implied,  however,  since  we  know  what  a 
Breton  lay  was  from  Marie's  careful  explanation.  Without  her 
words  the  line  of  Havelok  would  not  be  clear. 

(5)  There  are  four  other  allusions  to  the  Bretons  or  Bret- 
agne  in  the  poem,  but  these  passages  do  not  refer  to  the  Breton 
lays.  The  Bretons  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  story  of 
Havelok  as  we  know  it  from  Gaimar,  our  author's  source,  and 
the  more  closely  the  line  que  un  lai  en  firent  li  Breton  is  exam- 
ined, the  more  external  and  artificial  does  it  seem.     It  strikes 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC       ,    113 

one  as  a  mere  formula  introduced  into  a  poem  composed  of 
prologue,  epilogue,  and  "aventure."  The  conventionality  of 
the  phrase  has  long  since  been  pointed  out.  Kittredge  ^  said 
of  Havelok,  "It  will  not  do  to  be  too  positive,  however,  that 
Havelok  ever  passed  through  Breton  hands.  The  question 
is  difficult  and  has  never  been  adequately  discussed.  Madden, 
in  his  elaborate  introduction,'"  dismisses  it  with  scant  notice. 
Wright "  remarks  that  the  term  '  Breton  lay  *  had  become 
almost  proverbial,  and  adds  that  it  is  not  at  all  likely  that 
Havelok  ever  existed  in  a  Breton  version."  Lot'^  expressed 
the  suspicion  that  the  term  "  Breton  lay "  was  conventional, 
"des  I'epoque  de  Marie  de  France";  and  four  years  later '^  in 
replying  to  Brugger  in  the  discussion  of  the  meaning  of  the 
words  Breton  and  Bretagne,  he  referred  to  his  former  article 
and  added:  "  J'aurais  du  insister  sur  ce  point  ...  Je  trouve 
encore  un  exemple  du  caractere  conventionnel  de  Texpres- 
sion  lai  breton  dans  Haveloc,  Tout  le  monde  sait  que  le  Lai 
d'Haveloc  le  Danois  a  pour  source  une  saga  scandinave.  Cela 
n'empeche  qu'on  ne  trouve  au  debut :  Un  lai  en  firent  li  Breton 
{sic)y  It  is  interesting  to  find  that  these  scholars  felt  the 
lack  of  sincerity  in  these  phrases  although  they  did  not  recog- 
nize the  Lay  to  be  a  mere  reworking  of  Gaimar*s  version. 

Warnke,''^  although  he  feels  that  the  existing  French  Lay 
may  be  dependent  on  Gaimar,  does  not  admit  the  convention- 
ality of  the  expression  que  un  lai  en  firent  li  Breton  but  combats 
the  arguments  of  Lot.  He  believes  that  among  the  Armori- 
cans  who  came  to  England  in  the  train  of  William  the  Con- 
queror, there  were  certainly  Armorican  minstrels,  who  seized 
upon  the  native  traditions  to  enrich  their  repertories,  and  that 
in  this  way  a  musical  lay,  Havelok^  came  into  existence.  He 
says  that  in  the  prologue  and  epilogue  the  author  speaks  with 
such  insistence  of  a  Breton  lay  called  Havelok  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  doubt  the  existence  of  such  a  lay.  But  Warnke's  posi- 
tion is  made  less  forcible  by  the  fact  that  he  acknowledges  that 

9  Amer.  Journ.  of  Phil.,  1886,  VII,  p.  184. 

^°  Madden,  ed.  pp.  v-vi. 

"  Wright,  Chronicles  of  G.  Gaimar,  ed.  for  Caxton  Society,  app.  p.  3. 

'^^Lot,  Rom.  XXIV,  p.  527. 

^3  Lot,  Rom.  XXVIII,  p.  42,  n.  3. 

^4  Warnke,  op.  cit.  pp.  ix— xvii. 


114  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

perhaps  this  musical  Breton  lay  had  no  direct  connection  with 
the  narrative  Lai  d'Haveloc.  His  answers  to  Lot  are  by  no 
means  convincing.  They  will  be  referred  to  later  in  consider- 
ing the  meaning  of  the  word  Breton.  But  whether  the  Bretons 
made  a  lay  on  Havelok  or  not,  the  statement  in  our  Lay  that 
they  did  so  is  significant.  If  our  author  introduced  these  words 
regarding  the  Bretons  into  a  poem  treating  matters  foreign  to 
them,  he  must  have  done  so  with  a  purpose.  He  may  have 
thought  the  phrase  a  necessary  part  of  the  lay,  the  literary  form 
which  he  was  adopting.  His  use  of  the  unexplained  conven- 
tional phrase  shows,  at  least,  that  both  he  and  his  contempor- 
aries were  already  familiar  not  only  with  the  expression  itself, 
but  also  with  the  narrative  lay  —  that  is,  a  short  metrical 
romance  purporting  to  narrate  the  adventure  on  which  the 
Bretons  had  made  a  musical  lay.  Therefore  it  seems  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  is  later  than  the  Lais 
of  Marie,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  the  phrase  is  explained  at 
length.  The  Lai  d'Haveloc  in  that  case  is  later  than  1165. 
If,  however,  this  conclusion  is  well  founded,  can  it  be  that 
our  author  escaped  Marie's  influence?  He  too  wished  to  tell 
a  story  or  adventure  in  the  form  of  a  lay,  and  it  is  possible  and 
even  probable  that  he  here  and  there  followed  Marie,  since  her 
Lais  had  become  very  popular.  It  is  also  possible  that  her 
success  in  writing  Lais  inspired,  not  his  adoption  of  Gaimar's 
story,  but  the  idea  of  treating  the  material  taken  from  Gaimar 
according  to  a  certain  ideal,  following  the  rules  of  a  certain 
literary  form.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to  find  in  Havelok  the 
type  of  Guigemar  or  some  other  hero  of  Marie's  Lais  ?  Traces 
of  the  influence  of  Marie  will  be  sought  (A)  in  the  external 
form  of  the  poem,  (a)  in  the  prologue,  (b)  in  the  epilogue, 
(c)  in  the  geography,  and  (d)  in  the  allusions  to  the  Bretons ; 
(B)  in  the  author's  treatment  of  the  story,  (a)  in  the  modifica- 
tions of  actual  events  of  the  tale,  (b)  in  the  minor  details  of 
description  or  general  changes  of  tone. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


»i5 


(A)  The  External  Form  of  Havelok 
(a)   Prologue 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  first  line  of  the  Havelok 
prologue  is  identical  with  the  opening  words  of  Marie's  Pro- 
logue to  Guigemar'5  as  found  in  Ms.  P.'^ 


GUIGEMAR        Ms.   P 

1  Volentters  deuroit  on  oir 

2  cose  quist  boine  a  retenir 

3  ki  de  boine  matere  est  faite 

4  mout  me  poise  se  nest  bien  faite 

5  Oez,  seignur,  que  dit  Marit, 

6  qen  en  son  tens  nus  ne  soublit 

7  Celui  deivent  les  genz  loer, 

8  ki  en  bien  fait  de  lui  parler, 

9  Mais  quant  oent  en  un  pais 

10  home  ne  femme  de  grant  pris, 

1 1  cil  ki  de  sun  bien  unt  envie 
I  2  sovent  en  dient  vileinie, 

I  3  Sun  pris  li  vuelent  abaissier  : 

14  pur  ceo  comencent  le  mestier 

1  5  ceo  est  lur  dreiz  de  mesparler. 

16  Li  contes  que  sai  est  verais, 

1 7  dunt  li  Bretun  unt  fait  lor  lais, 

1 8  Si  conterai  assez  briefment. 

1 9  El  chief  de  cest  comencement 

20  Sulunc  la  letre  e  I'escriture 

2  I  Vos  conterai  une  aventure, 

22  ki  en  Bretaigne  la  Menur 

23  avint  al  tens  ancienur. 


1  Volenters  deueroit  lorn  oir, 

2  Et  reconter  et  retenir, 

3  Les  nobles  fez  as  anciens, 

4  Et  les  prouesces  et  les  biens,^7 

5  Essamples  prendre  et  remembrer 

6  Pur  les  francs  homes  amender. 

7  Vilainies  et  mesprisions, 

8  Ceo  deuereit  estre  li  sermons 

9  Dont  lorn  se  deust  chastier ; 

I  o  Car  mult  iad  mauueis  mester. 

I I  Chescuns  se  garde  come  pur  soi 
I  2  Lauenture  dtm  riche  roi, 

13  Et  de  plusurs  autres  barons, 

1 4  Dont  ieo  vus  nomerai  les  nons  ; 
I  5   Assez  briefment  le  vus  dirrai,^^ 

16  Lauenture  vus  conterai. 

1 7  Haueloc  fut  cil  roi  nome, 

1 8  Et  Cuaran  est  appelle. 

19  Purceo  vus  voil  de  lui  conter, 

20  Et  sauenture  remembrer ; 

21  Que  vn  lai  en  firent  li  Breton, 

22  Si  lappellerent  de  son  non 

23  Et  Haueloc  et  Cuarant. 


The  two  prologues  resemble  each  other  in  the  following  par- 
ticulars:  (i)  their  first  lines  are  identical  as  is  the  rhyme-word 
retenir  in  the  second.  (2)  Each  begins  in  a  different  manner 
from  Marie's  other  lays.      Instead  of  giving  information  about 

^5  This  was  pointed  out  by  Warnke,  p.  226,  and  suggested  the  closer  exami- 
nation of  the  two  prologues. 

^6  Paris,  Bib.  nat.,  fran9.  2168,  a  Picard  Ms.  of  the  second  half  of  the 
13th  century  containing  Guimar,  Yonec,  and  Lanval.  In  this  manuscript  the 
prologue  is  incomplete  and  obscure,  but,  of  course,  the  author  may  have  had  at 
his  disposal  a  complete  and  clear  manuscript  of  the  same  family. 

^7  Common  to  other  lays.  Cf.  Espervier,  Rom.  VII,  p.  3,  Car  qui  bien  i 
voudroit  entendre  Maint  bon  essample  i  porroit  prendre  (9—10). 

^8  Cf  Espervier,  Rom.  VII,  1.  29. 


ii6  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

the  lay  in  question,  or  some  remark  on  lays  in  general,  each  of 
these  prologues  opens  with  a  moralizing  observation.  Marie 
soon  becomes  personal,  names  herself  and  then  refers  to  her 
slanderers.  The  author  of  Havelok  makes  the  banal  statement 
that  we  should  gladly  hear  and  tell  of  good  deeds  to  make  men 
better,  and  of  evil  ones  to  warn  the  bad.  The  actions  of 
Havelok  and  of  the  other  "barons*'  in  the  story  will  serve 
both  ends.  (3)  The  sense  of  these  two  passages  of  Havelok 
and  Marie  is  different,  but  it  looks  as  if  the  second  part  of  the 
reflection  in  the  prologue  of  Havelok  had  been  suggested  by 
the  "vilainie"  and  "mestier"  in  lines  12  and  14  of  Guigemar. 
(4)  Lines  15,  16,  21  of  Havelok  correspond  respectively  with 
lines  18,  21,  17  of  Guigemar.  Marie,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
explicit  just  where  our  author  uses  a  phrase  which  must  have 
been  already  current.  She  carefully  explains  to  the  public  what 
he  takes  for  granted  is  understood  by  his  contemporaries. 
Evidently  she  could  not  have  imitated  Havelok.  Hence 
these  points  of  similarity  between  the  two  prologues  point  to 
Marie  as  the  inspiration  of  the  opening  lines  of  the  Lai  d^ 
Haveloc.  If  the  other  epilogues  and  prologues  of  Marie's  are 
compared  with  Havelok^  there  may  be  found  in  the  latter  poem 
other  echoes  of  her  Lais. 

EQUITAN  HAVELOK 

Jadis  suleient  par  pruesce,  Les  nobles  fez  as  anciens, 

par  curteisie  e  par  noblesce  Et  les  prouesces  et  les  biens,       (3-4) 

des  aventures  que  oeient, 

ki  a  plusurs  genz  aveneient, 

faire  les  lais  pur  remembrance, 

qu'um  nes  meist  en  ubliance.      (3—8) 

Ki  bien  voldreit  raisun  entendre, 

ici  purreit  ensample  prendre :  Essamples  prendre  et  remembrer 

(  3 '  3~3  ^  4)         ^^^  ^^^  francs  homes  amender.    (  5-6) 

Havelok  (20)  Et  sauenture  remembrer  is  the  same  in  sub- 
stance as  Equitan  (5  and  7).  Compare  Havelok  (14)  Dont  ieo 
vus  nomerai  les  nons  with  Le  Fraisne  (255)  Ici  vus  numeral 
sun  nun,  with  Milun  (22)  Mes  jeo  ne  sai  numer  sun  nun,  with 
Chaitivel  (4-5)  e  la  cite  vus  numerai  u  il  fu  nez,  e  cum  ot  nun, 
and  (34)  mes  jeo  ne  sai  numer  lur  nuns. 

Several  other  lines  of  the  prologue  are  paralleled  by  lines  of 
Marie's  Lais\  17,  18,  22,  and  23  are  expressed  in  the  same 
manner  as  those  in  which  she  insists  on  the  name  of  her  hero 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  117 

or  of  the  lay.  None  of  Mane's  heroes  has  two  names,  but  two 
of  her  lays  have  a  double  title.  Thus  the  last  two  lines  of  the 
prologue  of  Havelok  remind  us  of  Eliduc : 

D'eles  dous  a  li  lais  a  nun 
Guildeluec  ha  Guilliadun. 

*  Eliduc '  fu  primes  nomez, 

Mes  ore  est  li  nuns  remuez,      (21—24) 

and  also  of  two  lines  of  Chaitivel, 

*  Le  Chaitivel '  I'apele  hum, 
e  si  i  a  plusurs  de  eels 

ki  I'apelent  *Les  Quatre  Doels.'      (6-8) 

In  the  entire  prologue  of  the  Lai  d'Haveloc,  there  is  scarcely 
anything  original.  It  is  a  skillful  combination  of  ideas  and 
expressions  gleaned  from  the  prologues  and  epilogues  of 
Marie's  Lais,  with  especial  imitation  of  the  prologue  of  Guige- 
mary  which  furnished  the  plan  for  the  whole  prologue. 

(b)  The  epilogue 

HAVELOK 

Mult  fu  de  li  grant  parlance ; 

Li  auncien  par  remembrance 

Firent  vn  lai  de  sa  victoire, 

Qe  touz  iors  en  soit  memoire. 

Ceo  fut  le  lai  de  Coarant, 

Qui  mult  fut  prouz  et  vaillant.^9      (i  101-H06) 

The  sense  of  this  passage  corresponds  closely  with  that  of 

Eliduc : 

De  I'aventure  de  cez  treis 

li  ancien  Bretun  curteis 

firent  le  lai  pur  remembrer, 

qu'um  nel  delist  pas  oblier.      (  1 1 8  i-i  1 84) 

In  her  epilogues,  Marie  twice  refers  to  the  popularity  of  the 
"aventure."  It  became  known,  and  a  lay  was  made  concerning 
it  by  the  Bretons.     Compare  with  Havelok  (iioi  ff.)  Laustic\ 

Cele  aventure  fu  cuntee, 

ne  pot  estre  lunges  celee. 

Un  lai  en  firent  li  Bretun, 

le  Laustic  I'apele  hum,      (157—160) 

^9  In  Ms.  P  of  the  Lay,  lines  1 105— 1 106  are  not  found. 


ii8  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D^HAVELOC 

and  Le  Fraisne: 

Quant  Taventure  fu  seiie 

coment  ele  esteit  avenue, 

le  lai  del  Fraisne  en  unt  trove : 

pur  la  dame  Punt  si  nume.      (533—536) 

There  are  traces  of  the  phraseology  of  other  epilogues  of  Marie. 
The  vfords  firent  un  lai  It  auncien  or  //  Bretun  occur  in  nearly  all 
of  them.     Compare  Milun: 

De  lur  amur  e  de  lur  bien 

firent  un  lai  li  ancien.      (531—532) 

The  idea  of  commemorating  the  adventure  and  of  preserving 
the  memory  of  it  is  found  in  the  Lais  also : 

pur  les  paroles  remembrer, 

Tristram,  ki  bien  saveit  harper, 

en  aveit  fet  un  nuvel  lai.      (  Chiev,  1 1  i-i  i  3) 

In  the  epilogue  of  many  of  her  poems,  Marie  again  names  the 
title/°and  we  find  the  same  repetition  in  Havelok.  In  the  pro- 
logue the  author  had  stated  that  the  lay  was  called  both  "  Have- 
loc  and  Cuarant."      In  the  epilogue,  he  says: 

Ceo  fut  le  lai  de  Coarant, 
Qui  mult  fut  prouz  et  vaillant. 

Marie's  influence  on  the  epilogue  is  therefore  obvious. 


(c)   Geographical  details 

These  details  correspond  in  general  to  those  of  Gaimar's  text 
although  they  are  not  so  abundant.  They  are  as  follows,  (i) 
Grim  lands  at  Grimsby,  as  in  Gaimar's  account."  The  author 
of  the  Lay  adds  el  North.^''  (2)  Alsi's  court  is  at  Nicole. 
Grim  has  told  Havelok  to  go  to  Engleterre  to  the  court  of 
a  rich  king,''^  and  we  find  that  Nicole  is  the  seat  of  the  court. 

20  Cf.  Guig.y  Chait.,  Le  Fraisne y  Eq.,  Chiev.  y  Elid.,  Laiis.y  D.  Am.y  and 
Bisc. 

21  Gaimar  shows  by  604,  329,  307,  617  how  the  words  used  by  Kelloc  en 
cest  pais  are  to  be  interpreted. 

"Ceo  fut  el  North,  a  Grimesbi  (125). 
«3i73. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D»HAVELOC  119 

This  is  not  expressly  stated  in  Gaimar,  but  it  may  be  easily 
inferred  from  the  Estorie. 

Sue  (Edelsi's)  ert  Nicole  e  Lindeseie,      (50) 

E  Argentine  fu  norie 

A  Nicole,  e  en  Lindeseie.      (93—94) 

The  author  of  the  Lay  was  probably  desirous  of  naming  a  city 
as  the  assembling  place  of  the  court,  just  as  Marie  mentioned 
Arthur's  gathering  at  Kardoeil,^^  or  Marc's  at  Tintagel.^^  (3) 
The  kingdoms  of  the  two  English  kings  are  practically  the 
same,  although  the  terms  of  the  description  vary. 

LAY  GAIMAR 

Un  roi  qert  nome  Alsi  Li  altres  out  nun  Edelsie ; 

Tenoit  en  la  terre  en  sa  baillie.  Sue  ert  Nicole  e  Lindeseie  ;  ^6 

Nicole  e  tote  Lindesie,  Des  Humbre  desken  Roteland 

Cele  partie  vers  le  north  ;  Ert  le  pais  en  son  comant.      (49—52) 

Et  Rotelande  et  Stanford 

Out  cil  Alsi  en  heritage.     (194-199) 

Rutland  and  Stamford  mark  the  southern  boundary  of  his 
kingdom,  North  Lindsey  the  northern,  and  these  terms  describe 
the  same  territory  as  does  Gaimar's  line:  Des  Humbre  desken 
Roteland.  (4)  There  is  less  similarity  in  the  descriptions  of 
the  dominion  of  Ekenbright's. 

LAY  GAIMAR 

Le  roiaume  vers  les  Surois  Li  altre  ert  reis  de  la  contree 

Gouernoit  vns  autres  rois  ;  Ki  ore  est  Nortfolc  apelee.     (52-53) 

Ekenbright  out  cil  rois  a  non.  En  Denemarche  le  regnez 

(201-203)         Aveit  quatre  riches  contez, 
E  en  Bretaigne  aveit  conquis 
Cair  Coel  od  tut  le  pais 
De  Colecestre  tresken  Holland 
Durout  son  realme  en  un  tenant. 

(71-76) 

The  expression  vers  les  Surois  is  not  clear.^^  Heyman  says:^^ 
"If  by  Mes  Surois'  is  meant  the  population  of  Surrey,  which  in 
the  English  translation  of  the'  Lai  d'Haveloc  is  considered 
doubtful,  this  would  be  much  further  South  than  is  indicated 

24  Lanvaly  5-18. 

25  Chiev.y  39-40. 

26Skeat,   ed.   1902,   p.  xl,   **The  Northern  part  of  Lincolnshire  is  called 
Lindsey." 

27  Ward,  op,  cit.  p.  450;  and  Gaimar's  Estoriey  II,  221. 

28  Heyman,  op.  cit.  p.  6 1 . 


I20  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

by  Gaimar."     It  seems  possible,  however,  that  vers  les  Surois 
means  simply  toward  the  people  of  Surrey  or  southward  from 
Alsi's  kingdom,  and  that  the  Surois  was  brought  in  to  furnish 
a  rhyme  with  rois.     The  conception  of  the  author  probably 
does  not  differ  materially  from  that  of  Gaimar,  since  he  stated 
that  Alsi  returned  the  kingdom  to  Argentille : 
Tote  sa  terre  li  rendit 
Que  Ekenbright  tint  tant  come  il  vesquit. 
De  Holande  desqen  Gloucestre.29      (1083— 1085) 
(Ms.  P  Colesestre) 

(5)  A  few  of  Gaimar's  names  are  omitted,  as  Cair  Coel  (74), 
Teford  (80),  the  place  of  Adelbright's  death,  and  Colecestre 
(81),  that  of  his  burial.  (6)  The  Lay,  on  the  other  hand, 
contains  two  items  of  information  not  found  in  Gaimar,  that 
the  battle  against  Alsi  was  fought  at  Teford  (1027),  and  that 
Havelok  landed  at  Carleflure  (996). 

These  slight  variations  do  not  point  to  different  sources  of 
information,  but  are  arbitrary  changes  made  by  the  author  of 
the  Lay,  who  in  other  geographical  information  conformed  to 
Gaimar's  account.  He  simply  transferred  the  Theford  ^°  men- 
tioned by  Gaimar  (80)  to  the  description  of  the  battle.  Perhaps 
he  wished  to  give  the  name  of  the  place  of  combat,  because 
Marie  several  times  gave  the  locality  of  tournaments  or  con- 
tests.3^  He  found  no  Danish  cities  mentioned  by  Gaimar,  and 
did  not  invent  a  name  for  the  places  where  Havelok  and 
Hodulf  fought.  The  one  new  name  introduced  by  him  is 
Carleflure,^^  the  English  place  where  Havelok  landed  (996). 
This  may  be  due  to  Marie's  custom  of  naming  harbors  in 
some  of  the  lays : 

A  Suhthamptune  vait  passer  ; 

Cum  il  ainz  pot  se  mist  en  mer, 

A  Barbefluet  est  arivez ; 

dreit  en  Bretaigne  en  est  alez.      (^Miluriy  317—320) 

29  These  lines  correspond  to  Gaimar's  Rendu  li  fiit  tut  11  regne,  Des  Hoiland 
treska  Colecestre  (804-805),  but  had  the  author  of  the  Lay  had  a  different 
territory  in  mind,  he  would  probably  have  omitted  or  changed  the  passage. 

3oTetford,  not  far  from  Horncastle,  England,  according  to  Skeat,  ed.  1902, 
p.  xliii,  n.  3. 

'i^  Lais:  Milun(T,^^)  El  Munt  Seint  Michiel  s'asemblerent ;  Chait.  (73-74) 
Que  devant  Nantes  la  cite  ot  un  turneiement  crie  ;  in  EliduCy  the  city  of  Excestre 
is  attacked  (91). 

32  Skeat,  ed.  1902,  xlii,  n.  2  :  **  Possibly  Saltfleet,  suggests  Mr.  Haigh.  Such, 
at  least,  is  the  position  required  by  the  circumstances." 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  121 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  changes  which  the  author  of  the  Lay 
makes  in  Gaimar's  geography  are  very  slight.  They  may  be 
due  to  the  influence  of  Marie^s  Lais. 


(d)  The  allusions  to  the  Bretons 

The  narrative  of  Gaimar  contains  only  one  allusion  to  the 
Bretons ;  the  English  Lay  does  not  mention  them ;  the  Lai 
d'Haveloc  refers  to  them  four  times  as  follows: 

1  Quant  Arthur  out  finie  sa  guerre, 
Hodulf  dona  tote  la  terre 

Puis  sen  ala  od  ses  Bretons  ;      (40) 

2  Nicole  et  tote  Lindesie, 
Et  Rotelande  et  Stanford 
Out  cil  Alsi  en  heritage  ; 

Mes  il  estoit  Bret  par  lignage.      (200) 

3  Fetes  la  loignz  enmener 
En  Bretaigne,  dela  la  mer, 

Et  a  vos  parenz  comander  ;      (313) 

4  Cuaran  lapelloient  tuit ; 
Car  ceo  tenoient  li  Breton 

En  lur  language  quistron.      (259) 

Since  Gaimar's  story  furnished  the  material  for  the  Lay,  it 
is  evident  that  three  of  these  passages  must  have  been  intro- 
duced arbitrarily  by  the  author  of  the  Lay.  Gaimar  gave  a 
suggestion  for  2,  but  the  sense  of  Breton  in  the  Lay  and  in 
Gaimar  seems  to  be  slightly  different.  Gaimar,  who  had  dis- 
cussed the  Danes  and  Angles  in  England,  and  had  mentioned 
the  Angles  as  responsible  for  the  change  of  the  name  Bretaigne, 
wrote  of  the  reign  of  Arthur's  nephews,  and  added  that  the 
Danes  hated  them.  He  then  proceeded  to  relate  the  story  of 
two  kings  who  reigned  in  England  at  that  time,  the  one  a 
Dane,  the  other  a  Breton  —  a  Celtic  inhabitant  of  England 
in  Arthur's  time. 

The  author  of  the  Lay  does  not  say  that  Adelbright  was 
a  Dane.  He  does  not  refer  to  Constantine  or  give  a  clue  to 
the  period.  He  follows  in  general  Gaimar's  geographical  in- 
formation concerning  the  extent  of  the  two  kingdoms,  and  adds 
in  regard  to  that  of  Alsi : 

Mes  il  estoit  Bret  par  lignage. 


122  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

The  expression  "par  lignage'*  strikes  one  as  perhaps  imply- 
ing a  shade  of  meaning  different  from  that  of  Gaimar's  unqual- 
ified "Bret,"  because  ofMes;  it  is  possible,  however,  that  the 
phrase  applied  to  Adelbright  in  Gaimar's  account  suggested  the 
words  in  the  Lay.  Adelbright  was  "del  lignage  as  Daneis," 
and  the  phrase  may  have  simply  been  transferred  to  Alsi  in 
the  Lay.  Even  if  the  phrase  is  to  be  explained  in  this  way, 
the  entire  line  still  leaves  an  impression  that  makes  us  suspect 
that  Gaimar's  conception  of"  Bret,"  a  Celtic  inhabitant  of  Eng- 
land, is  not  quite  that  of  the  author  of  the  Lay.  We  could 
think  that  Alsi  was  a  Celt  living  in  England  in  Arthur's  time 
unless  told  that  he  was  a  Dane  or  an  Angle.  It  is  therefore 
with  surprise  that  we  note  the  word  Mes,  which  apparently 
denotes  that  there  is  something  unusual  in  the  statement  fol- 
lowing. What  is  then  the  idea  of  "  Breton  "  conveyed  in  the 
Lay  by  the  author,  who  may  have  been  a  Norman,  an  Anglo- 
Norman,  or  a  Frenchman  who  was  living  in  England  in  the 
twelfth  century  ?  ^3 

The  question  of  the  meaning  of  "  Breton "  in  the  twelfth 
century  is  one  which  has  given  rise  to  heated  discussion.  It 
is  perhaps  best  to  recall  briefly  the  main  lines  of  the  contro- 
versy before  applying  the  results  of  it  to  Have/ok,  As  Warnke 
points  out  in  his  preface  to  the  Lais  of  Marie  de  France,  stu- 
dents of  Old  French  literature  gave  the  words  Breton  and 
Bretagne  the  natural  interpretation  of  contemporary  Armori- 
can,  without  further  thought,  until  Wolf,^^  Gaston  Paris,^^  and 
Bedier^^  questioned  whether  the  words  did  not  also  denote  the 
inhabitants  of  England  who  were  Celts,  especially  the  Welsh. 
There  came  to  be  three  groups  of  scholars,  those  who  inter- 
preted the  words  as  Armorican  and  Armorica,  those  who  in- 
terpreted them  as  Welsh,  and  those  who  combined  the  two 
theories  holding  that  the  words  were  applied  to  both  the 
Armorican  and  the  Welsh. 

Zimmer,37  in  reviewing  the   article  in  wl^ich   Gaston   Paris 

33  Suchier  says  of  the  author  of  Have/ok  (op.  cit.  p.  i  24)  :   **  Er  dichtete  viel- 
leicht  in  England,  jedoch  in  reinem  Franzosisch,  war  also  vom  Festland  gebiirtig." 

34  Wolf,   Ueber  die  LaiSy  Sequenzen  und  Leichcy  Heidelberg,  1841,  p.  251. 

35  Gaston  Paris,  Romania y  VIII,  36;   Histoire  litt.  de  la  France y  XXX,  p.  3; 
La  Litterature  normande  avant  P annexion y  Paris,  1889,  p.  14. 

36Bedier,   Les  Lais  de  Marie  de  France y   Revue  de  deux  mondesy  18  Oct., 
1891,   835-864. 

37Zimmer,  Gbttingische  gelehrte  Anzeigeny  1890,  I,  794  ff. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  123 

expressed  his  views,  after  a  study  of  many  of  Marie's  Lays, 
asserted  that  it  was  impossible  to  derive  the  "matiere  de  Bre- 
tagne"  from  either  the  Cymri  or  the  Welsh.  But  it  became 
necessary  for  him  to  show  how  those  lays  which  had  their 
scenes  laid  in  England  could  have  come  from  the  Armoricans, 
whom  he  considered  the  only  Celts  concerned  with  the  trans- 
mission of  Breton  material.  He  showed  that  Brittany  and 
Normandy  had  been  closely  united  politically  from  the  tenth 
century,  and  pointed  out  that  near  the  boundary  line  of  the 
two  provinces  there  existed  a  speech  district  where  Norman 
and  Breton  were  both  spoken.  He  also  noted  that  many 
Bretons,  among  them  some  of  these  bilinguistic  Bretons, 
had  gone  to  England  with  the  Normans.  They  were  con- 
versant with  French  before  going  to  England  and  had  trans- 
ferred their  native  legends  to  the  Normans  and  Anglo-Normans 
on  the  continent  and  in  England.  Zimmer  also  indicated  how 
they  confused  the  geography  of  the  Breton  material  by  trans- 
ferring the  scenes  of  their  own  legends  to  England. 

Lot  3^  disagreed  with  Zimmer  about  many  of  the  Lays.  He 
examined  them  again,  noting  the  context,  and  decided  that  a 
large  number  of  them  could  not  be  adapted  to  Zimmer's  theory. 
They  were  in  part  Welsh. 

Bedier39  more  recently  explained  how  these  Armoricans  came 
into  possession  of  the  Welsh  legends,  and  stated  that  they 
recognized  the  relationship  existing  between  these  tales  and 
their  own,  and  combined  them  so  that  through  their  work  the 
"  matiere  de  Bretagne "  is  the  product  of  the  fusion  of  the 
Armorican  and  Welsh  legends. 

The  second  stage  of  the  discussion  was  reached  when  Brug- 
ger^°  defined  "Breton"  with  more  precision.  According  to 
him  there  were  in  the  twelfth  century  two  uses  of  the  word : 
(i)  the  ordinary  meaning  of  a  contemporary  Armorican;  (2) 
the  archaic  sense  of  a  Breton  of  Arthur's  time.  Brugger  does 
not  especially  discuss  the  archaic  sense  of  the  word  in  the  rest 
of  his  article  which  is  devoted  to  proving  that  "  Breton"  in  the 
twelfth   century  documents   examined   meant   a  contemporary 

38  Lot,  Etudes  sur  la  provenance  du  cycle  arthurieny  Romania y  XXIV,  497- 
528,  XXV,  1-33. 

39  Bedier,  Le  roman  de  Tristan  par  Thomas ,  Soc.  d.  anc.  textesfr.y  II,  127. 

40  Brugger,  Vber  die  Bedeutung  von  Bretagne y  Breton,  Zeitschrift  fur  fran- 
xosische  Sprache  und  Litteratur,  1898,  XX,  79-162. 


124  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

Armorican.  However,  he  put  the  whole  controversy  on  a 
diflFerent  basis  by  introducing  a  time  element.  It  was  no 
longer  enough  to  distinguish  between  a  Welshman  and  an 
Armorican ;  one  had  to  decide  between  a  twelfth  century  man 
and  a  Breton  of  Arthur's  time. 

Lof*'  was  quick  to  see  the  bearing  of  this  on  Brugger's 
theory  of  the  interpretation  of  the  word  as  Armorican,  and, 
applying  the  new  definitions  to  the  Lays,  he  contended  that 
the  word  Bretons  in  this  literature  certainly  had  the  vague, 
retrospective  sense  of  Bretons  of  Arthur's  period.  He  now 
proclaimed  with  confidence  the  conventionality  of  the  term 
"  breton  lai,"  which  he  had  suggested  before. 

Warnke,^^  in  his  introduction  to  the  lays  of  Marie  de  France, 
opposed  Lot.     His  arguments  do  not  seem  to  me  convincing. 

41  Lot,  Nouveaux  Essais  sur  la  provenance  du  cycle  arthurieny  Romania^  1899, 
XXVIII,  1-48. 

42  Warnke,  op.  cit.  pp.  ix-xi.  To  substantiate  his  theory.  Lot  gave  the  fol- 
lowing reasons  (pp.  41—42,  n.  4).  (i)  The  words  **  Bretons  en  firent  un  lai " 
is  always  in  a  past  tense.  (2)  In  passages  of  Eliduc  and  Milun  the  Bretons  are 
specified  as  **li  ancien.*'      (3)   Marie's  words  confirm  this  view. 

Or  sont  dites  e  racontees, 

de  latin  en  romanz  trovees  ; 

Bretons  tn  firent  lais  plusors. 

Si  con  dient  nos  ancessors. 
Warnke  (pp.  ix— x)  objects  to  the  first  reason  on  the  ground  that  only  a  past  tense 
could  be  used  whether  the  Bretons  were  contemporaries  or  ancient  musicians.    In 
cases  where  a  present  tense  could  be  used,  it  was  employed.      Cf.  Guingamor 
(678),  Einsi  I'apelent  li  Bretun,  and  Tydorel  (489)  : 

Cest  conte  tienent  a  verai 

li  Breton  qui  en  firent  le  lai. 
These  Bretons  must  be  contemporaries.  In  the  second  place  Tydorel  offers  an 
instance  of  Lai  nouvel,  thus  showing  that  no  importance  can  be  attached  to  these 
expressions  which  the  author  used  arbitrarily  to  enhance  the  value  of  his  poem. 
Thirdly  Warnke  says  the  lines  quoted  by  Lot  are  not  Marie's  but  come  from 
Tyolet  (33  ff. ),  and  like  other  lines  of  the  prologue  do  not  contribute  testimony 
of  weight  since  the  author  of  Tyolet  probably  did  not  use  the  **harfenlied  "  Tyolet 
for  his  poem.  Foulet  (Marie  de  France  et  les  lais  bretonsy  p.  320)  criticizes 
Warnke's  first  two  points.  He  says  that  **einsi  I'apelent  li  Bretun"  may  well 
refer  to  a  written  source  and  denote  a  time  **tres  recule  dans  le  passe."  Com- 
pare the  last  line  of  the  Tyolet  quotation.  He  also  states  that  no  information 
regarding  the  Bretons  can  be  drawn  from  Tydorel  since  it  is  a  late  lay,  much 
more  recent  than  those  of  Marie.  In  his  third  objection,  Foulet  says  that 
Warnke  was  right  in  giving  Tyolet  as  the  source  of  the  quotation,  and  in  denying 
that  the  words  are  a  legitimate  source  of  information  about  the  Bretons. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  kind  of  testimony  in  favor  of  Lot's 
theory  does  emanate  from  these  lines  of  Tyolet.      Foulet  (pp.  48-52)   shows 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  125 

He  took  into  consideration  those  lays  which  had  heretofore 
been  omitted  or  merely  mentioned  in  the  discussion.  The  one 
which  he  had  most  difficulty  in  adapting  to  his  theory  was  the 
Lai  d'Haveloc,  because  he  had  to  deal  there  with  a  Scandina- 
vian legend  entirely  foreign  to  the  Bretons,  and  one  which 
originated  in  the  north  of  England.  How  could  contemporary 
Armoricans  have  transmitted  that  legend  to  the  Anglo-Norman 
author  of  the  Lay.?  Warnk:e43  had  recourse  to  what  seems  to 
be  for  Havelok  a  forced  and  unnatural  process.  The  steps  of 
it  are  as  follows : 

Armorica  and  Normandy  were  closely  united  politically  and 
geographically,  and  Armoricans  shared  in  the  conquest  of 
England. 

In  1066  they  fought  at  Senlac  with  William  the  Conqueror. 

They  were  rewarded  with  fiefs  after  the  victory  and  settled 
in  many  parts  of  England,  especially  in  Yorkshire,  and  in 
that  part  of  northern  England  which  was  the  locality  of  the 
Havelok  legend. 

Among  these  Armoricans  there  were  doubtless  minstrels  who 
must  have  come  in  contact  with  the  Havelok  story. 

It  is  undeniable  that  other  minstrels  came  over  in  the  next 
century.  These  would  have  come  in  contact  with  the  earlier 
ones,  who  had  gone  to  Yorkshire. 

The  older  generations  of  minstrels  would  have  transmitted 
to  these  successive  generations  of  twelfth  century  minstrels 
English  legends  with  which  to  enrich  their  repertories.  In 
this  way  the  story  of  Havelok  would  have  come  into  the  pos- 
session of  these  twelfth  century  Armoricans. 

The  whole  explanation  is  far-fetched.  It  is  complicated  and 
consists  of  hypothesis  after  hypothesis  offered  in  an  effort  to 
save  the  Armorican  theory  by  showing  that  it  applies  to  Have- 

that  Tyolet  is  a  compilation  of  an  episode  of  Tristan,  modified  by  Marie's  Lanval, 
with  parts  of  Chretien's  Graal.  The  prologue  is  a  servile  imitation  of  Marie's 
prologue  including  a  mistaken  interpretation  of  her  words.  The  author  does  not 
state  that  he  has  heard  the  lay  Tyolety  or  that  he  knew  the  Bretons  made  one. 
He  says  he  has  it  at  second  hand  *'si  com  dient  nos  ancessors."  The  ancessors 
in  this  case  were  invented.  With  this  author,  at  least,  the  phrase  was  an  entirely 
conventional  one. 

43  Warn ke,  op.  cit.  pp.  xv— xvii. 


126  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

lok  too.  To  show  that  Armoricans  transmitted  the  material  in 
the  twelfth  century,  it  was  necessary  to  suppose  first  that  the 
Armorican  minstrels  who  penetrated  to  the  part  of  England 
where  the  Havelok  legend  was  found  came  into  contact  with 
the  legend  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  But  these  Armoricans 
were  not  twelfth  century  men,  so  that  we  must  conceive  of 
their  passing  the  legend  on  to  generation  after  generation  of 
newly  arrived  Armorican  minstrels  who  finally  gave  it  to  the 
Anglo-Normans  who  arrived  in  the  twelfth  century.  But  a 
vital  part  of  Warnke's  conception  of  the  lays  is  the  relation 
between  the  narrative  lay  and  the  musical  lay  of  the  Bretons 
on  the  same  subject.  Warnke  therefore  added  the  statement 
that  Havelok  was  also  in  all  probability  the  subject  of  a  musi- 
cal lay.  He  said:^'^  "So  wird  es  denn  in  der  That,  wie  der 
Dichter  des  franzosischen  Gedichtes  behauptet,  ein  bretonisches 
Harfenlied  von  Havelok  dem  Danen  gegeben  haben,  wenn 
auch  die  franzosischen  Darstellungen  nicht  direkt  auf  dieses 
Harfenlied  zuriickgehen  sollten."  So  the  musical  lay  which, 
"probably  existed"  has  perhaps  no  connection  with  our  lay. 
To  say  that  there  was  such  a  lay  simply  because  it  is  stated  in 
this  poem  that  the  Bretons  made  a  lay  on  Havelok,  seems  to 
be  forcing  a  point,  and  to  add  that  this  musical  lay  had  perhaps 
no  connection  with  the  narrative  lay  weakens  the  whole  argu- 
ment. 

Warnke  had,  as  we  can  see,  a  hard  position  to  maintain  in 
the  case  of  the  Lai  d' Haveloc^  because  this  poem  is  not  com- 
patible with  his  theory  of  the  Breton  lays.  But  if  Warnke  has 
to  yield  to  Lot  and  agree  that  in  the  case  of  Havelok,  at  least, 
the  expression  Li  Breton  en  jirent  un  lai  is  purely  conventional, 
his  whole  theory  is  in  danger.  If  the  words  are  artificial  in  one 
lay,  doubt  creeps  in  as  to  the  sincerity  of  them  in  other  lays. 
Is  the  testimony  given  by  the  allusions  to  the  Bretons  in  Have- 
lok in  favor  of  Lot's  theory  of  the  vaguely  remote  Bretons  of 
Arthur's  kingdom,  or  does  it  confirm  Warnke's  interpretation 
of  contemporary  Armorican  ?  One  may  judge  from  the  follow- 
ing analysis. 

Reviewing  the  allusions  to  the  Bretons  which  are  contained 
in  the  Lay,  we  see  that  the  sense  of  2,  that  Edelsi  was  Bret 
par  lignage,  becomes  clear  from  3.  The  counsellors  advise  that 
Argentine  be  sent  from  England  to  "  Bretaigne  dela  la  mer." 

44  Warnke,  p.  xvi. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  127 

This  must  be  Armorica,  and  as  her  relatives  are  there,  Edelsi 
was  probably  also  an  Armorican.  Bret  is  used  here  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  contemporary  Armorican. 

Point  I  does  not  lend  itself  to  this  meaning.  Arthur  went 
away  from  Denmark  od  ses  Bretons — the  old  Arthurian  Bretons 
of  a  distant  past.      Hence  we  have  here  the  second  meaning. 

It  might  be  possible  to  interpret  4  as  Armorican,  because, 
since  the  first  line  reads  Cuaran  V appelloient  tuit,  one  might 
expect  that  tuit  meant  those  surrounding  Edelsi,  the  Armori- 
can. On  the  other  hand,  the  references  may  be  to  the  vague 
old  Bretons,  who  made  a  lay  on  the  subject,  and  whom  we 
know  as  li  auncien^^ 

It  might  be  imagined  that  the  name  Cuaran  would  give  us  a 
valuable  clue.  Curiously  enough  no  word  Cuaran  correspond- 
ing to  quistrun  has  been  found.  Skeaf^^  says:  "This  surname 
is  Celtic;  and  Anlaf  Curan  signifies  'Anlaf  with  the  brogue'; 
from  the  Irish  and  Gael,  cuaran^  explained  by  Macleod  as  'a 
sock,  a  brogue  of  untanned  leather  or  skin,  commonly  worn 
with  the  hairy  side  outwards,'  cf.  Welsh,  cwran^  a  buckskin. 
The  surname  is  easily  explained  from  Anlaf's  connexion  with 
Ireland.  .  .  .  This  epithet  is  important,  as  it  is  the  very  one  ap- 
plied to  Havelok  in  the  French  versions  of  the  story.  Gaimar 
spells  it  Cuheran,  and  adds  (1.  105)  — '  Cil  Cuheran  estait  quis- 
trun,' i.e.  This  Cuheran  was  a  scullion,  or  kitchen-servant; 
precisely  as  in  our  poem,  11.  903-970.  The  author  of  the  other 
French  version  .  .  .  somewhat  mistakes  the  matter,  imagining 
that  Curan  had  the  meaning  of  '  scullion,'  which  is  not  the  case. 
.  .  .  This  is,  of  course,  a  slip;  but  the  Celtic  origin  of  the 
name  is  nevertheless  perceived.  It  does  not,  however,  occur 
in  the  English  version." 

A  comparison  with  Marie's  Lays,  however,  explains  the  pas- 
sage, and  shows  that  there  was  probably  no  misunderstanding 
on  the  part  of  the  author.  Gaimar's  lines  and  the  hero's  two 
names  gave  an  opportunity  to  explain  the  names  in  a  passage 
doubtless  inspired  by  the  following  lines  of  Marie's. 

Bisclavret  a  nun  en  Bretan, 

Garulf  Tapelent  li  Norman.      (^Bisclavret y  3-4) 


45  Havelok y  1 102. 

46Skeat,  ed.  1902,  p.  xxxvii. 


128  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

Une  aventure  vus  dirai, 

dunt  li  Bretun  firent  un  lai. 

Laiistic  a  nun,  ceo  m'est  vis. 

Si  Tapelent  en  lur  pais; 

Ceo  est  russignol  en  Franceis 

E  nihtegale  en  dreit  Engleis.      {Laustic,  1—6) 

*  Gotelef*  I'apelent  Engleis, 

*  Chievrefueir  le  nument  Franceis.      (  Chiev.  1 1  5-1 16) 

En  Bretanz  I'apelent  Lanval.      (^Lanvaly  4) 

We  have  evidently  in  this  fourth  allusion,  another  fiction 
concerning  the  Bretons/^ 

If  our  author  could  insert  in  his  poem  a  passage  such  as  this, 
the  probabilities  are  that  the  language  to  which  he  makes  allu- 
sion was  an  old  one  and  not  the  contemporary  idiom  of  the 
Welsh  or  Armoricans.  Furthermore  the  fact  that  he  has  used 
indiscriminately  the  different  meanings  of  Breton  shows  that  he 
felt  no  distinction,  and  that  the  phrases  were  for  him  purely 
artificial. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  these  conventional  references  to 
the  Bretons  in  the  Lay  have  in  turn  influenced  opinions  con- 
cerning the  saga.  Deutschbein,^^  who  believes  in  a  derivation 
of  the  saga  independent  of  the  Bretons,  deduces  from  the 
greater  Breton  coloring  which  characterizes  the  Lay,  that  the 
Bretons  (Armoricans)  "  Bretonized "  the  material  slightly  as 
they  handed  it  on  to  the  Anglo-Normans.^^ 

But  it  is  now  clear  that,  whatever  the  relation  between  the 
Bretons  and  the  saga  of  Havelok^  no  evidence  concerning  them 
is  to  be  drawn  from  the  Lay.  The  "  Bretonizing  "  in  the  Lai 
d'Haveloc  is  the  effort  of  one  man  to  give  Breton  coloring  to  a 
finished  literary  product,  in  order  to  make  it  conform  to  a  cer- 
tain ideal  which  he  had  in  mind  —  the  type  of  lay  which  Marie 
de  France  composed.     He  introduced  the  allusions  arbitrarily, 

47  The  author  of  Havelok  has  imitated  Marie  in  a  mannerism  of  hers  which 
is,  in  turn,  probably  due  to  the  influence  of  Wace  over  her.  Cf.  English  Words 
in  the  Lais  of  Marie  de  France  y  Modern  Language  Notes  y  1905,  XX,  10  9- ill, 
by  L.  Foulet. 

48Warnke  (p.  xv)  says  that  Arthurian  Bretons  would  not  have  composed  a 
lay  on  their  enemies.  Deutschbein  (p.  140)  says  that  the  Armoricans  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  legend  or  they  would  not  have  made  Edelsi  their  compatriot. 

49  Deutschbein,  op.  cit.  p.  148. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  129 

and  they  cannot  be  considered  as  giving  trustworthy  informa- 
tion regarding  either  the  Bretons  or  their  lays. 

The  only  point  of  positive  testimony,  then,  to  be  drawn 
from  the  study  of  Havelok  in  this  connection,  is  that  the  ex- 
pression Li  Breton  en  firent  un  lai  is  in  one  case,  at  least, 
as  conventional  as  Lot  suggested  that  it  was.  And  if  the 
words  were  used  in  Havelok  without  question,  is  it  not  prob- 
able that  they  had  no  more  definite  meaning  in  other  works 
of  the  period? 

I  realize,  of  course,  how  easy  it  is  to  find  what  one  is  seek- 
ing in  the  way  of  literary  connections  and  I  do  not  claim  that 
any  one  of  the  following  suggestions  has  great  specific  value. 
But  a  series  of  such  resemblances  assuredly  appears  signifi- 
cant, and  especially  so  since  we  have  already  seen  the  author*s 
imitation  of  the  prologues  and  epilogues  of  Marie  and  his 
slavish  use  of  Gaimar. 


(B)   Marie's  Influence  on  the  Author's  Treatment 
OF  THE  Story 

In  the  comparison  made  between  the  French  Lay  and 
Gaimar,  numerous  variations  in  events  and  in  details  of  the 
story  of  Havelok  were  observed.  To  weigh  these  differences 
and  determine  the  author's  method  of  composing  a  Breton  lay 
from  his  borrowed  material  will  be  the  next  step  in  the  study 
of  the  poem.  It  will  be  necessary  also  to  keep  the  Lais  of 
Marie  in  mind,  and  to  note  any  suggestions  of  her  influence, 
should  such  appear,  since  we  know  from  the  investigation  of 
the  external  form,  of  the  Lay  that  the  author  had  these  poems 
in  mind  as  he  wrote. 

(a)   Modifications  of  important  events  of  the  story 

(i)  Havelok's  departure  from  Grimsby  (157-192).  Com- 
pare with  this :  (a)  Milun : 

La  dame  ki  lur  fiz  nurri, 

(tant  ot  este  ensemble  od  li 

qu'il  esteit  venuz  en  ee), 

a  chevalier  I'a  adube. 

Mult  i  aveit  gent  dameisel.      (289-293) 


I30  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D*HAVELOC 

She  then  tells  Milun  of  his  father;  he  is  told  to  show  his 
prowess:  "fors  de  la  terre  e  del  pais."  His  leave-taking  is  de- 
scribed in  the  following  words : 

II  ne  demure  fors  le  seir ; 

el  demain  aveit  pris  cungie. 

La  dame  Pa  mult  chastie 

e  de  bien  faire  amoneste 

asez  li  a  aveir  done.      (312-316)  * 

Compare  also :  (b)  Guigemar,  Marie  gives  Guigemar's  name, 
saying  that  he  is  handsome  and  beloved  of  father  and  mother. 
He  is  sent  to  court  to  serve  the  king. 

Quant  il  le  pout  partir  de  sei, 
si  I'enveia  servir  le  rei. 
Li  vadlez  fu  sages  e  pruz ; 
Mult  se  faiseit  amer  de  tuz. 
Quant  fu  venuz  termes  e  tens 
que  il  aveit  eage  e  sens, 
li  reis  I'adube  richement ; 
armes  li  dune  a  sun  talent. 
Guigemar  se  part  de  la  curt ; 

En  Flandres  vait  pur  sun  pris  querre.      (41—51) 

The  details  of  these  scenes  are  changed  to  suit  the  circum- 
stances in  which  Havelok  finds  himself  Since  degradation  is 
to  be  his  lot  at  court  the  knighting  of  Havelok  is  postponed, 
but  the  outlines  of  the  parting  are  the  same  —  a  short  descrip- 
tion of  the  youth,  the  instructions  given  him,  the  gifts  pre- 
sented, and  his  departure.^"  Grim's  instructions  are  practical, 
bearing  on  his  life  at  court.  A  tote  gent  te  fai  amer  (180)  may 
be  due  to  the  influence  of  Gaimar  (44).  It  may,  however,  be 
derived  from  Gaimar's  description  (139-140),  from  which  pas- 
sage nearly  all  the  other  details  of  Grim*s  counsel  are  drawn. 
The  equipment  of  the  knight,  adapted  to  the  situation,  becomes 
a  new  suit  of  clothes. 

.    (2)  The  scene  between  the  barons  and  Alsi. 

Gaimar  states  merely  that  Edelsi  covets  the  kingdom  and 
marries  his  niece  to  his  "  quistrun "  Cuheran.  The  question 
arises :   how  could  he  do  such  a  thing  with  impunity  ?    The 

50  Cf.  also  description  in  Milun,  Mult  i  aveit  gent  dameisel  (293).  Also 
Guigemar  (38-40),  el  reialme  nen  out  plus  bel.  A  merveille  Tamot  sa  mere, 
c  mult  esteit  bien  de  sun  pere. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  131 

author  of  the  Lay  explains  this  by  the  invention  of  a  scene 
between  Alsi  and  his  barons,  a  scene  which  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  one  of  the  Lais  of  Marie.  She,  in  fact,  makes  fre- 
quent allusions  to  the  barons  assembled  at  court.^'  In  Lanval 
the  barons  play  a  prominent  part  in  the  trial  scene.  Although 
the  character  of  this  scene  of  Lanval  differs  totally  from  that 
of  Havelok,  yet  the  general  idea  of  the  court  scene  is  carried 
out  in  Havelok,  In  Havelok  the  barons  assemble  to  make  a 
demand  of  the  king;  he  asks  for  time  to  consult  his  advisers 
and  another  day  is  set  for  the  meeting: 

Terme  lur  mist  et  ior  noma, 

A  repairer  les  comanda 

Quant  il  se  serra  conseillez.      (299—301) 

His  counsellors  offer  a  suggestion,  but  he  tells  them  his  pur- 
pose and  announces  that  he  will  brook  no  resistance.  He 
comes  with  them  to  the  assembly  hall  where  he  has  had  guards 
stationed,  "au  ior  qil  out  a  ceus  nome."  He  then  makes  a 
speech  to  the  nobies  who  murmur  but  are  restrained  by  the 
presence  of  the  guards. 

In  the  lay  of  Lanval  the  king  sends  for  his  men  to  judge 
Lanval,  who  has  said  that  his  lady  is  fairer  than  the  queen 
(384).     They  meet  and  decide,  as  follows: 

que  Lanval  deit  aveir  un  jur, 

mes  pleges  truisse  a  sun  seignur 

qu'il  atendra  sun  jugement 

e  revendra  en  sun  present ; 

si  sera  la  curz  enforciee, 

kar  dune  n'i  ot  fors  sa  maisniee.      (391—396) 

The  barons  return,  announce  their  decision  (397-398);  on  the 
appointed  day  they  reassemble : 

Al  jur  que  cil  orent  nume, 

li  barun  furent  asemble. 

Li  reis  e  la  reine  i  fu.      (417—419) 

They  proceed  to  judge  Lanval : 

Li  reis  demande  le  recort 
sulunc  le  cleim  e  le  respuns : 

II  sunt  al  jugement  ale.      (426—429) 
51  Bisc.  186,  Chiev.  40,  and  Lanv, 


132 


THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 


Some  wish  to  condemn  Lanval  to  please  the  king,  but  they 
decide  that  he  must  present  his  lady  that  they  may  judge.  A 
deputation  announces  this  decree  to  Lanval,  who  says  he  can- 
not comply  with  the  command.  The  king  urges  his  judges  to 
decide.  They  are  interrupted,  urged  again  by  the  king,  inter- 
rupted a  second  time,  and,  after  a  third  summons  from  the 
king,  they  give  the  verdict,  acquitting  Lanval.^^ 

In  spite  of  the  divergence  of  the  subject  matter,  there  is  a 
correspondence  between  the  general  outlines  of  these  two  scenes. 
Possibly  another  of  Marie's  Lais,Le  Fraisne,  may  have  suggested 
something  to  the  author  of  Havelok  concerning  the  assembly  of 
his  barons.  They  insist  that  Alsi  marry  Argentille,  who  is  now 
of  age,  to  a  suitable  person,  as  he  had  promised  to  do.  In 
Le  Fraisne,  the  subjects  demand  that  Garun  should  marry. 

Lungement  ot  od  lui  este, 

tant  que  li  chevalier  fiefe 

a  mult  grant  mal  li  aturnerent. 

Soventes  feiz  a  lui  parlerent, 

qu'une  gentil  femme  espusast 

e  de  cele  se  delivrast. 

Lie  sereient,  s'il  eust  heir 

ki  apres  lui  peiist  aveir 

sa  terre  e  sun  grant  heritage 

Ja  mes  pur  seignur  nel  tendrunt 

ne  volentiers  nel  servirunt, 

se  il  ne  fait  lur  volente 

Li  chevaliers  a  graante 

qu'a  lur  cunseil  femme  prendra.      (323—339) 

(3)  The  chamberlain. 

Neither  chamberlain  nor  hermit  appears  in  Gaimar.  This 
character  of  chamberlain  is  prominent,  however,  in  Horn,  Tris- 
tan and  the  Lais.  Cf  Guigemar,  (579  ff.);  Le  Fraisne,  (403  ff.); 
and  Eliducy  in  which  Gilliadun's  chamberlain  advises  her  {23S~ 
455)  and  in  which  Eliduc's  serves  him  (767-805).  The  second 
mention  of  the  chamberlain  in  Havelok  corresponds  closely  to 
this  passage  in  general  tone.  Sygar  sends  him  to  see  Havelok's 
flame  instead  of  going  himself. ^^  Argentine's  chamberlain  aids 
her  in  her  trouble  as  Gilliadun's  does  in  Eliduc.  ^^  ^"^ 

s^  Lanvaly  ^1^-6^6.  -v    "^-^  .^     i 

53  Vn  son  priue  iad  mande  X    ^     ^ 

Pur  saueir  quant  cil  dormira,  etc.      (830-831) 
Le  chamberlenc  out  grant  poour.      (839) 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  133 

(4)  The  hermit. 

Eliduc  contains  also  the  mention  of  a  hermit.  This  hermit 
is  dead  so  that  the  story  has  nothing  to  do  with  him,  excepting 
that  Eliduc  had  turned  to  him  for  help,  and,  on  finding  him 
dead,  had  left  Gilliadun's  body  in  his  cell.  His  chapel  is  the 
scene  of  an  important  part  of  the  story.  The  description  of 
the  hermit  is  as  follows : 

Une  forest  aveit  en  tur, 
trente  liwes  ot  de  lungur, 
Uns  seinz  hermites  i  maneit 
E  une  chapele  i  aveit ; 
quarante  anz  i  aveit  este. 

A  la  chapele  sunt  venu, 
Apele  i  unt  e  batu ; 

Uit  jurs  esteit  devant  finiz 

li  seinz  hermites,  li  parfiz.    (889-893,  91 1— 912,  917-918) 

It  may  be,  however,  that  the  development  of  the  part  of  the 
hermit  is  due  to  some  other  literary  work  of  the  period  in 
which  hermits  figured  more  extensively. 

(5)  Havelok  is  dubbed  knight. 

The  knighting  is  performed  by  Sygar  (928).  Cf.  Guigemar 
(47);  Yonec  (470);  Milun  (10,  292). 

(6)  The  single  combat  with  Hodulf 

The  single  contest  replaces  the  battle  between  the  two  hosts, 
described  by  Gaimar  (740-744) : 

'Ensemble  vindrent  li  baron, 
Requistrent  soi  come  leon. 
Haueloc  fut  de  grant  vertu  ; 
Le  roi  Hodulf  ad  si  feru 
Dune  hache  qil  apporta, 
Quil  labatit,  puis  ne  leua, 
Iloec  loccist  deuant  sa  gent.      (959—965) 

If  we  compare  these  lines  with  the  description  of  Milun's  con- 
test with  his  father  we  note  a  general  resemblance.  The  out- 
come as  well  as  the  attendant  circumstances  of  the  two  duels 
are,  of  course,  very  different. 


134  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

Milun  le  vit  si  cuntenir. 

Si  bien  puindre  e  si  bien  ferir : 

El  renc  se  met  encuntre  lui, 

ensemble  justerent  amdui. 

Milun  le  fiert  si  durement, 

I'anste  depiece  veirement, 

mes  ne  Taveit  mie  abatu. 

Cil  raveit  si  Milun  feru 

que  jus  del  cheval  I'abati.      (409—419) 


It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  certain  innovations  which  the 
author  of  the  Lay  has  introduced  into  Gaimar^s  material,  can 
be  explained  by  a  desire  on  his  part  to  imitate  the  general  style 
of  certain  scenes  of  Marie's  Lais.  These  scenes,  we  have  noted, 
were  those  representing  the  departure  of  a  young  page,  the 
gathering  of  barons  at  the  court,  the  part  of  such  personages  as 
the  chamberlains  of  the  court  or  castle,  and  the  single  combat 
of  knights.  The  interesting  fact  which  this  comparison  has 
shown  is  that  these  scenes  are  all  of  the  same  type,  inasmuch 
as  they  all  afford  glimpses  of  the  important  events  in  the  life 
of  the  time  in  an  aristocratic  and  courtly  environment.  They 
are  scenes  from  Marie's  Lais  which  contain  the  courtly  setting 
of  the  adventure.  The  resemblances  between  the  passages  in 
the  Lais  and  in  Havelok,  we  have  seen,  were  general  resem- 
blances, sometimes  involving  more  than  one  of  her  Lais  and 
often  differing  in  actual  circumstances.  It  is  impossible  to  say 
that  this  or  that  passage  of  Havelok  is  imitated  exactly  or 
directly  from  a  certain  one  of  Marie's  Lais.  What  is  unde- 
niable is  that  the  atmosphere  of  her  Lais  has  been  borrowed, 
and  that  the  sturdy  hero  of  Gaimar's  story  in  becoming  the 
hero  of  a  lay,  has  been  transplanted  into  a  more  courtly  en- 
vironment, where  he  moves  as  another  Guigemar.  It  is  curi- 
ously interesting  to  find  that  our  author  in  his  endeavor  to 
make  a  narrative  lay  connected  with  the  Bretons,  has  borrowed 
from  Marie  exactly  what  was  most  French  and  least  Breton  in 
her  Lais  —  i.e.  the  more  or  less  faithful  description  of  the 
customs  and  life  of  the  French  or  Anglo-Norman  aristocratic 
society  of  her  own  time.  To  obtain  this  courtly  coloring,  our 
author  has  occasionally  altered  details  in  his  material,  and  has 
presented  scenes  which  were  not  in  his  source,  but  which  could 
easily  have  been  inspired  by  the  general  tone  of  the  Lais, 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  135 

(b)   Details  of  description 

The  changes  made  in  the  Lay  to  modify  the  general  tone,  by 
the  addition  or  suppression  of  details,  are  not  such  as  corre- 
spond to  any  special  lay  of  Marie's  but  reflect  rather  the  court- 
ly tone  of  the  whole  collection.  Sometimes  such  changes  have 
affected  an  important  alteration  in  the  poem ;  sometimes  they 
have  merely  softened  and  refined  a  description.  Such  modifi- 
cations of  tone  are  the  following: 

(i)   Grim  is  made  a  baron  instead  of  a  fisherman. 

(2)  The  queen  is  buried  beside  the  king.  This  is  an  instance 
of  the  care  to  show  chivalrous  deference  to  woman,  and  to 
mention  her  where  it  is  possible. 

(3)  The  treatment  of  the  wedding  night  is  much  more  re- 
fined than  Gaimar's.  Argentille  does  not  repine  and  complain 
to  the  king  of  Havelok  after  her  marriage,  as  she  does  in 
Gaimar's  account.  Havelok  turns  from  her  but  it  is  because 
he  wishes  to  hide  his  flame  from  her.  The  author  adds  that 
they  were  gradually  reconciled  to  each  other: 

Mes  puis  sasseurerent  tant, 
Et  par  parole  et  par  semblant, 
Qu'il  ama. 

(4)  Gaimar's  passage  in  which  Kelloc  and  her  husband  dis- 
cuss the  wisdom  of  telling  Havelok  about  himself  is  omitted, 
and  simply  reflected  in  the  one  line  of  Kelloc's  speech :  Bien 
te  ciele,  si  ieo  le  te  di  (592).  This  hesitation  on  the  part  of 
Kelloc,  and  the  tone  which  she  used  in  Gaimar's  account,  when 
she  spoke  of  Havelok,  was  not  that  of  a  respectful  vassal. 

(5)  Kelloc's  husband  himself  accompanies  Havelok  to  Den- 
mark. In  Gaimar's  story,  Kelloc  and  her  husband  equip  him 
and  send  him  with  Don  Alger  the  merchant.  Kelloc  says  to 
him  in  the  Lay : 

Mon  seignur  vus  i  conduiera, 
Dedenz  sa  nef  vus  passera. 

This  also  shows  more  respectful  deference  to  a  feudal  lord. 

(6)  Sygar  himself  first  does  homage  to  Havelok,  thus  show- 
ing the  same  deference.     In  G  he  is  the  last. 

(7)  In  the  scene  of  the  shipwreck,  the  author  of  the  Lay 
emphasizes  the  fierceness  of  the  attack  and  the  valor  of  those 
with  Havelok. 


136  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

(8)  Argentine  is  given  a  more  prominent  part  in  details  un- 
important in  themselves. 

(9)  Other  modifications  have  in  turn  resulted  from  these. 
Grimes  high  estate  may  account  for  his  guardianship,  although 
it  is  more  likely  that  his  position  of  guardian  brought  about 
his  change  of  estate.  His  rank  is  certainly  responsible  for  the 
invention  of  the  castle,  the  plans  for  flight,  and  the  scene  of 
the  embarcation. 

Certain  other  details  added  to  the  narrative  are  undoubtedly 
due  to  the  author's  own  fancy  and  invention  because  he  wishes 
to  enliven  his  story,  or  make  it  more  clear  and  connected. 
Compare  for  example  his  description  of  the  meal  at  Sygar's, 
which  Gaimar  merely  mentioned  in  a  later  part  of  his  account, 
or  Alsi's  jests,  or  the  allusions  to  the  founding  of  Grimsby. 

These  changes  abound  and  are  sometimes  not  free  from  in- 
consistency or  absurdity,  as  in  the  case  of  Baron  Grim,  already 
referred  to,  who  incongruously  caught  fish  in  Grimsby  si  com  il 
soloity  and  who  was  spared  by  the  outlaws  because  he  was  their 
conoissant.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  dream,  which  repre- 
sents the  events  which  were  to  befall  Havelok.  The  author 
of  the  Lay  changed  these  points,  so  that  the  battle  became  a 
single  contest,  but  the  dream  he  neglected  to  change ;  the  foxes 
who  represent  Hodulf's  men  in  the  dream  are  destroyed,  as  in 
Gaimar's  version. 


THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  LAI  D'HAVELOC  137 


CONCLUSION 

These  modifications  may  be  largely  due  to  Marie,  but  they 
are  not  exclusively  the  result  of  her  influence.  Since  we  know, 
however,  the  debt  the  author  owed  Marie  in  other  ways,  it  is 
not  assuming  too  much  perhaps  to  give  her  Lais  credit  for  the 
greater  part  of  such  changes  in  general  tone  as  we  have  just 
been  considering.  The  author's  taste  and  environment  and 
other  literature  of  the  period  contributed  the  rest. 

The  composition  of  this  Lay  proceeded  differently  from  that 
of  the  majority  of  the  anonymous  lays  already  examined  by 
others.  All  but  a  few  of  these  lays  were  the  product  of  the 
more  or  less  skillful  fusion  of  two  or  more  lays  of  Marie's 
collection,  sometimes  with  changes  invented  by  the  author, 
or  with  the  introduction  of  material  derived  from  another 
anonymous  lay,  or  from  a  source  such  as  'Tristan,  Such 
stories  were  furnished  with  prologue,  epilogue,  and  references 
to  the  Bretons  closely  copied  from  Marie.  This  Lay  has  the 
same  external  form,  but  it  has  as  its  source  one  definite  poem, 
which  was  reworked  according  to  the  fancy  and  poetic  ideal 
of  the  author. 

Our  author  has  sometimes  marred  the  beauty  of  the  prim- 
itive details  of  Gaimar,  as  we  have  observed.  Especially  is 
this  shown  in  his  making  Grim  a  baron,  and  replacing  the 
poetic  flight  of  the  queen  to  the  shore  with  her  son,  and  the 
protection  given  her  by  the  fisherman  Grim,  by  the  inconsis- 
tent scene  of  the  guardianship  of  the  baron  Grim  and  the  formal 
embarcation,  details  which  are  not  in  harmony  with  the  prim- 
itive features  of  the  story. 

This  general  contrast  between  the  artificial,  courtly  atmos- 
phere of  the  work  and  the  primitive  traits  of  the  story,  espe- 
cially when  the  author  fails  to  carry  out  his  modifications 
consistently,  is  often  wearying.  He  has,  however,  on  the 
whole  not  injured  his  material  by  his  treatment  of  it.  The 
clearer,  more  polished  and  graceful  Lay  is  a  better  literary  pro- 
duct than  Gaimar's  account,  which  is  often  crude  and  obscure, 
now  giving  unnecessary  detail  (as  in  the  case  of  the  enumera- 


138  THE  OLD  FRENCH  LAI  D'HAVELOC 

tion  of  the  fishes  caught  by  Grim),  now  condensing  until  pic- 
turesque effect  or  even  clearness  is  lost.  When  we  compare 
the  Lay  and  Gaimar's  version  we  see  that  the  writer  has  with 
the  courtly  tone  and  coloring  of  the  Lais  of  Marie  apparently 
imbibed  something  of  her  grace  and  ease.  We  see  too  that  he 
had  more  talent  than  Gaimar  for  this  kind  of  narration.  In 
justice  to  Gaimar  it  must  be  said,  however,  that  his  story  of 
Havelok  is  but  a  small  episode  in  a  long  work,  whereas  the 
Lay  is  a  short  poem  studied  in  every  detail  and  elaborated 
with  the  greatest  care. 

The  method  followed  by  the  author  of  Havelok  suggests  a 
question  concerning  his  predecessor  in  this  form  of  literature. 
If  this  poet,  who  presumably  wrote  the  Lai  d'Haveloc  not  long 
after  the  appearance  of  Marie's  lays,  composed  a  lay  in  this 
fashion,  and  nevertheless  asserted  firmly  that  the  Bretons  made 
a  lay  on  Havelok,  may  it  not  be  that  our  faith  in  Marie's  own 
statements  of  the  same  kind  do  not  always  rest  on  a  solid 
basis  P 

We  see  from  the  study  of  the  later  anonymous  lays  and 
from  Havelok  that  this  type  of  literature  —  the  lay  —  practically 
begins  and  ends  with  Marie.  May  she  not,  at  least  occasion- 
ally, have  used  material  as  foreign  to  the  Bretons  as  is  pur 
story,  and  may  she  not  have  made  the  same  assertions  as  did 
the  author  of  Havelok,  with  no  better  foundation  for  them  ? 
In  any  case,  since  Marie  is  left  in  a  more  and  more  isolated 
position,  as  the  conventionality  and  insincerity  of  the  allusions 
to  the  Bretons  and  their  lays  become  known,  we  cannot  escape 
the  fear  that  some  day  our  faith  in  her  words  about  the  Bretons 
and  their  lays  will  be  as  rudely  shaken  as  has  been  our  trust  in 
the  statements  of  the  author  of  the  Lai  d'Haveloc. 


Vita 

I  was  born  in  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  November  i,  1872. 
My  father  was  Wallace  Weir  Fahnestock,  and  my  mother, 
Mary   Knight  Nutting. 

After  completing  my  college  preparatory  work  in  the  schools 
of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  I  entered  the  College  for  Women,  Western 
Reserve  University,  where  I  was  graduated  in  1894.  From 
1894  to  1896  I  studied  abroad,  chiefly  at  the  University  of 
Zurich  (where  I  was  a  student  three  semesters),  and  in  Paris. 
In  1897  ^  was  Fellow  in  Romance  Philology  at  Bryn  Mawr 
College,  and  I  returned  to  Bryn  Mawr  in  1 901-1902,  and 
1906-1907. 

My  graduate  study  was  pursued  principally  under  Professor 
Morf  and  the  late  Professor  Ulrich,  both  formerly  of  the 
University  of  Zurich,  and  under  the  late  Professor  Menger, 
Professor  Foulet,  Professor  De  Haan,  and  Professor  Holbrook 
at  Bryn  Mawr.  My  major  subject  is  French  Literature,  my 
first  minor  Old  French  Philology,  and  my  second  minor 
Spanish.  My  thesis  is  A  Study  of  the  Sources  and  Composition 
of  the  Old  French  Lai  d'Haveloc. 

I  taught  for  seven  years  in  the  State  College  for  Women, 
Columbus,  Mississippi,  where  I  had  charge  of  the  department 
of  Modern  Languages,  and  I  have  been  during  the  past  year 
instructor  in  Romance  Languages  at  Mount  Holyoke  College. 

It  would  be  impossible  adequately  to  .thank  Professor  Morf, 
Professor  Foulet,  and  Professor  De  Haan.  I  am  especially 
grateful  to  Professor  Foulet  for  his  most  helpful  criticism  of 
this  dissertation,  which  was  begun  at  his  suggestion. 


Edith   Fahnestock. 


Mount  Holyoke  CollegSy 
May,  1908. 


MAR    7    1939 


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